According to the editor, J. M. H. Moll, the<i>Journal of Medical Biography</i>began with the intention of filling an important gap by offering a vehicle for regular and systematic coverage in the field of medical biography. He adds that this journal will provide "food for intellectual curiosity, scope for rigorous scholarship, and ideas for a constellation of interesting topics." Even a casual browsing of its first four issues will convince the reader that the journal is well on its way to achieving all the above goals in admirable fashion. Perhaps the most interesting aspect of this journal is its structure. The topics are divided into sections covering different categories of medical biography, ie, "Physicians," "Surgeons," "Investigators," "Places," "Patients," "Bibliographies," "Iconographies," "Collections," "Moments," and even "Truants." In addition, there are anniversary profiles, book reviews, and a delightful assortment of short pieces included in sections on eponyms, historical vignettes, and plaques
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This is the biography of a deceased medical journal, the North American Medical and Surgical Journal, born in 1826 in Philadelphia. It was a publication of the Philadelphia Chapter of the Kappa Lambda Society. In the prospectus of the North American Medical and Surgical Journal the promoters observed that a well-conducted journal would achieve the object of elevating the medical profession to its legitimate rank which up to that time had been the recipient of low public opinion. The Journal hoped to inculcate 'a higher standard of excellence not merely in the professional or ministrative but also in the ethical relations and duties of physicians'. After several successful and productive years it passed into history in October 1831, the victim of financial difficulty.
Previous article Next article On Volterra's Population EquationR. K. MillerR. K. Millerhttps://doi.org/10.1137/0114039PDFBibTexSections ToolsAdd to favoritesExport CitationTrack CitationsEmail SectionsAbout[1] Richard K. Miller, Asymptotic behavior of nonlinear delay-differential equations, J. Differential Equations, 1 (1965), 293–305 10.1016/0022-0396(65)90009-4 MR0178263 (31:2521) 0151.10203 CrossrefISIGoogle Scholar[2] R. Pearl, Introduction to Medical Biometry and Statistics, W. B. Saunders, Philadelphia, 1940, 459–470 Google Scholar[3] H. M. Tsuchiya, , A. G. Fredrickson and , R. Aris, Advances in Chemical Engineering, vol. 6, Academic Press, New York, to appear Google Scholar[4] V. Volterra, Leçons sur la théorie mathematique de la lutte pour la vie, Gauthier-Villars, Paris, 1931 0002.04202 Google Scholar[5] Vito Volterra, Theory of functionals and of integral and integro-differential equations, With a preface by G. C. Evans, a biography of Vito Volterra and a bibliography of his published works by E. Whittaker, Dover Publications Inc., New York, 1959iii+226 pp. (1 plate) MR0100765 (20:7193) 0086.10402 Google Scholar Previous article Next article FiguresRelatedReferencesCited ByDetails Numerical solution of variable‐order stochastic fractional integro‐differential equation with a collocation method based on Müntz–Legendre polynomialMathematical Methods in the Applied Sciences, Vol. 45, No. 13 | 20 January 2022 Cross Ref Stochastic bifurcation and density function analysis of a stochastic logistic equation with distributed delay and weak kernelMathematics and Computers in Simulation, Vol. 195 | 1 May 2022 Cross Ref On uniform asymptotic stability of nonlinear Volterra integro-differential equationsInternational Journal of Control, Vol. 95, No. 3 | 13 September 2020 Cross Ref Bifurcation analysis in a diffusive Logistic population model with two delayed density-dependent feedback termsNonlinear Analysis: Real World Applications, Vol. 63 | 1 Feb 2022 Cross Ref Hopf bifurcation in a 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Applied Mathematics, Vol. 34, No. 4 | 17 February 2009 Cross Ref Extended backward differentiation formulae in the numerical solution of general Volterra integro-differential equationsComputing, Vol. 51, No. 1 | 1 Mar 1993 Cross Ref ReferencesDelay Differential Equations - With Applications in Population Dynamics | 1 Jan 1993 Cross Ref Convergence in Lotka–Volterra-type delay systems without instantaneous feedbacksProceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh: Section A Mathematics, Vol. 123, No. 1 | 14 November 2011 Cross Ref Global attractivity and periodic solutions in delay-differential equations related to models in physiology and population biologyJapan Journal of Industrial and Applied Mathematics, Vol. 9, No. 2 | 1 Jun 1992 Cross Ref Qualitative Analysis of One- or Two-Species Neutral Delay Population ModelsSIAM Journal on Mathematical Analysis, Vol. 23, No. 1 | 1 August 2006AbstractPDF (1625 KB)Asymptotic stability of grazing systems with unbounded delayJournal of Mathematical Analysis and Applications, Vol. 163, No. 1 | 1 Jan 1992 Cross Ref Global stability for a class of nonlinear nonautonomous delay equationsNonlinear Analysis: Theory, Methods & Applications, Vol. 17, No. 7 | 1 Jan 1991 Cross Ref On a one-parameter family of delay population equationsNonlinear Analysis: Theory, Methods & Applications, Vol. 14, No. 12 | 1 Jan 1990 Cross Ref Collocation methods for nonlinear Volterra integro-differential equations with infinite delayMathematics of Computation, Vol. 53, No. 188 | 1 January 1989 Cross Ref Global stability of single-species diffusion volterra models with continuous time delaysBulletin of Mathematical Biology, Vol. 49, No. 4 | 1 Jul 1987 Cross Ref On a delay-differential equation for single specie population variationsNonlinear Analysis: Theory, Methods & Applications, Vol. 11, No. 9 | 1 Jan 1987 Cross Ref Global asymptotic stability in a class of Volterra-Stieltjes integrodifferential systemsInternational Journal of Systems Science, Vol. 18, No. 9 | 1 Jan 1987 Cross Ref High-order methods for the numerical solution of Volterra integro-differential equationsJournal of Computational and Applied Mathematics, Vol. 15, No. 3 | 1 Jul 1986 Cross Ref On Volterra's Population Equation with DiffusionSIAM Journal on Mathematical Analysis, Vol. 16, No. 1 | 17 July 2006AbstractPDF (633 KB)Some conditions for global asymptotic stability of equilibria of integrodifferential equationsJournal of Mathematical Analysis and Applications, Vol. 95, No. 2 | 1 Sep 1983 Cross Ref The effect of seasonal variations to the delay population equationNonlinear Analysis: Theory, Methods & Applications, Vol. 6, No. 11 | 1 Nov 1982 Cross Ref Asymptotic behaviour of positive solutions of periodic delay logistic equationsJournal of Mathematical Biology, Vol. 14, No. 1 | 1 Mar 1982 Cross Ref GLOBAL ATTRACTIVITY FOR DIFFUSION DELAY LOGISTIC EQUATIONSNonlinear Differential Equations | 1 Jan 1981 Cross Ref Monotone methods and attractivity results for Volterra integro-partial differential equationsProceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh: Section A Mathematics, Vol. 89, No. 1-2 | 14 November 2011 Cross Ref Limit cycles in two spacies competition with time delaysThe Journal of the Australian Mathematical Society. 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Applied Mathematics, Vol. 22, No. 2 | 17 February 2009 Cross Ref Equations with unbounded delay: a surveyNonlinear Analysis: Theory, Methods & Applications, Vol. 4, No. 5 | 1 Sep 1980 Cross Ref Time lags and global stability in two-species competitionBulletin of Mathematical Biology, Vol. 42, No. 5 | 1 Sep 1980 Cross Ref Asymptotic behavior of time-additive operator equationsJournal of Mathematical Analysis and Applications, Vol. 75, No. 1 | 1 May 1980 Cross Ref Convergence in the Delay Population EquationZvi Artstein and George KarakostasSIAM Journal on Applied Mathematics, Vol. 38, No. 2 | 12 July 2006AbstractPDF (1640 KB)Control for an hereditary systemMathematics and Computers in Simulation, Vol. 21, No. 2 | 1 Aug 1979 Cross Ref On a diffusion volterra equationNonlinear Analysis: Theory, Methods & Applications, Vol. 3, No. 5 | 1 Aug 1979 Cross Ref On an Initial-Value Method for Quickly Solving Volterra Integral Equations: A ReviewSolution Methods for Integral Equations | 1 Jan 1979 Cross Ref Bifurcation of periodic oscillations due to delays in single species growth modelsJournal of Mathematical Biology, Vol. 6, No. 2 | 1 Jul 1978 Cross Ref On an initial-value method for quickly solving Volterra integral equations: A reviewJournal of Optimization Theory and Applications, Vol. 24, No. 1 | 1 Jan 1978 Cross Ref Stable positive periodic solutions of the time-dependent logistic equation under possible hereditary influencesJournal of Mathematical Analysis and Applications, Vol. 60, No. 3 | 1 Oct 1977 Cross Ref Time delays in single species growth modelsJournal of Mathematical Biology, Vol. 4, No. 3 | 1 Jan 1977 Cross Ref On Numerically Solving Nonlinear Volterra Integral Equations with Fewer ComputationsSIAM Journal on Numerical Analysis, Vol. 13, No. 5 | 14 July 2006AbstractPDF (1183 KB)Periodic Solutions of Volterra's Population Equation with Hereditary EffectsJ. M. CushingSIAM Journal on Applied Mathematics, Vol. 31, No. 2 | 12 July 2006AbstractPDF (986 KB)Topological Dynamics and Its Relation to Integral Equations and Nonautonomous SystemsDynamical Systems | 1 Jan 1976 Cross Ref On the existence, uniqueness, and stability behavior of a random solution to a nonlinear perturbed stochastic integro-differential equationInformation and Control, Vol. 27, No. 1 | 1 Jan 1975 Cross Ref On the behavior of solutions of predator-prey equations with hereditary termsMathematical Biosciences, Vol. 26, No. 1-2 | 1 Jan 1975 Cross Ref The asymptotic behavior of an integral equation with an application to Volterra's population equationJournal of Mathematical Analysis and Applications, Vol. 48, No. 3 | 1 Dec 1974 Cross Ref BibliographyRandom Integral Equations with Applications to Life Sciences and Engineering | 1 Jan 1974 Cross Ref ReferencesIntegral Equations and Stability of Feedback Systems | 1 Jan 1973 Cross Ref On a Stochastic Integro-Differential Equation of Volterra TypeW. J. Padgett and Chris P. TsokosSIAM Journal on Applied Mathematics, Vol. 23, No. 4 | 12 July 2006AbstractPDF (1014 KB)On the asymptotic behavior of the bounded solutions of some integral equations, IIIJournal of Mathematical Analysis and Applications, Vol. 37, No. 3 | 1 Mar 1972 Cross Ref The origins and applications of stochastic integral equationsInternational Journal of Systems Science, Vol. 2, No. 2 | 1 Sep 1971 Cross Ref Asymptotic Behaviour of Bounded Solutions of Some Functional EquationsContributions to Nonlinear Functional Analysis | 1 Jan 1971 Cross Ref TIME DELAYS IN EPIDEMIC MODELSDelay Differential Equations and Applications Cross Ref Volume 14, Issue 3| 1966SIAM Journal on Applied Mathematics417-639 History Submitted:30 June 1965Published online:28 July 2006 InformationCopyright © 1966 © Society for Industrial and Applied MathematicsPDF Download Article & Publication DataArticle DOI:10.1137/0114039Article page range:pp. 446-452ISSN (print):0036-1399ISSN (online):1095-712XPublisher:Society for Industrial and Applied Mathematics
The School of Medicine of Tehran University was officially established in 1934. Then, in December 1939, Professor Charles Oberling (1895-1960), the famous French pathologist was appointed as the Dean of Medical, Pharmacy, and Dentistry Schools and a new era of medical education was ushered in. He suggested to the Ministry of Culture's authorities to publish a medical journal; subsequently, the first Persian academic medical journal in Iran was founded and published in 1943. Herein, we present a brief account of this medical journal's foundation as well as biographies of its founders and editorial board.
James McCune Smith (1813-1865)--first black American to obtain a medical degree, prominent abolitionist and suffragist, compassionate physician, prolific writer, and public intellectual--has been relatively neglected by historians of medicine. No biography of Smith exists to this day, though he has been the subject of several essays. Born, in his own words, "the son of a self-emancipated bond-woman," and denied admission to colleges in the United States, his native land, Smith earned medical, master's, and baccalaureate degrees at Glasgow University in Scotland. On his return to New York City in 1837, Smith became the first black physician to publish articles in US medical journals. Smith was broadly involved in the anti-slavery and suffrage movements, contributing to and editing abolitionist newspapers and serving as an officer of many organizations for the improvement of social conditions in the black community. In his scientific writings Smith debunked the racial theories in Thomas Jefferson's Notes on the State of Virginia, refuted phrenology and homeopathy, and responded with a forceful statistical critique to the racially biased US Census of 1840. Frederick Douglass, Gerrit Smith, and John Brown personally collaborated with James McCune Smith in the fight for black freedom. As the learned physician-scholar of the abolition movement, Smith was instrumental in making the overthrow of slavery credible and successful.
The turn of the millennium coincided with the inclusion of the Croatian Medical Journal into the bibliographic databases MEDLINE (1998), and Current Contents/Clinical Medicine (1999), which greatly increased the number of submitted manuscripts. The increased pressure on the editorial office prompted us to modify the editorial procedure and sharpen our acceptance criteria. At the same time, we extended our author-friendly policy to all for global medicine and (2) medicine in translational and emerging countries. The Editorial Board and the Advisory Board were critical in developing and improving the Journal and setting the highest standards in all aspects of publication, especially in manuscript selection by high-quality peer review. In this editorial, we finally meet the members of the two Boards in person, or rather, in photographs and short biographies.
AbstractIn this article I return to interviews I conducted in the 1980s with Australian World War One veteran Fred Farrall, armed with new historical sources and new ways of thinking about war, suffering and memory. My interpretation of Fred's war and its consequences was central to the approach to individual and collective memory, and their complex interaction across time, which I articulated in my book Anzac Memories. Focusing on Fred's experience and narrative of shell shock and pacifism, this article complicates my understanding of Fred's war and postwar life, and of how he created and recreated his war memory in different contexts and relationships, including the relationship between interviewer and interviewee, historian and witness. I investigate ideas about trauma, intersubjectivity, and memory composure that have become important theoretical tools for oral historians.Keywordsmemoryoral historyshell shocktraumawar For invaluable feedback on drafts of this article, many thanks to members of the Melbourne Life Writing Group and our Monash Research Group, and especially to Siân Edwards, Sean Field, Katie Holmes, Jim Mitchell, Kathy Nasstrom, Mike Roper and the anonymous reviewers for Oral History Review.Notes 1 Anzac refers to the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps, which was formed during World War One—Australian popular memory tends to forget the New Zealanders. 2 Alistair Thomson, Anzac Memories: Living with the Legend, Melbourne (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1994); Alistair Thomson, Anzac Memories: Living with the Legend, Melbourne (Victoria, AU: Monash University Publishing, new ed., 2013). 3 Kyla Cassells, "Anzac Day Is a Celebration of War," Socialist Alternative, 23 April 2010, at http://www.sa.org.au/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=4716:anzac-day-is-a-celebration-of-war&Itemid=393, accessed 9 April 2013. My writings about Fred Farrall ("The Return of a Soldier," Meanjin, 47, no. 4, 1988, 709-716; and "Anzac Memories: Putting Popular Memory Theory into Practice in Australia," Oral History, Spring 1990, 18, no. 1, 25-31) have been reprinted in a number of anthologies. Quotes in this article are from interviews I recorded with Fred Farrall on July 7 and 14, 1983, and April 2, 1987. The transcript and audio of those recordings with Fred Farrall can now be accessed through the Australian War Memorial at www.awm.gov.au/collection/s01311. 4 Farrall, letters to "My Dear Mother," December 20, 1917; to "My Dear Laura," October 16, 1917; and to "Dear Sam," October 10, 1917: Box Miscellaneous 2/1/1/—2/3/2, Series 1987.0418, Farrall Papers, University of Melbourne archive. On soldiers' wartime letters, see Joy Damousi, The Labour of Loss: Mourning, Memory and Wartime Bereavement in Australia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 9-25; Michael Roper, The Secret Battle: Emotional Survival in the Great War, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009), 58-63; Michael Roper, "Re-remembering the Soldier Heroes: The Psychic and Social Construction of Memory in Personal Narratives of the Great War," History Workshop Journal, 50 (Autumn 2000): 181-204; and Alistair Thomson, "Anzac Stories: Using Personal Testimony in War History," War and Society, 25, no. 2 (2006): 1-21. 5 E.F. Hill, Bryan Kelleher, Alan Miller and Ralph Gibson, with Fred Farrall, Celebration of Fred Farrall's 90th Birthday (Melbourne: Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, 1987), 20. 6 Marina Larsson, Shattered Anzacs (Sydney: UNSW Press, 2009); Stephen Garton, The Cost of War: Australians Return, (Oxford: Oxford University Press Australia, 1996); Peter Stanley, Men of Mont St Quentin: Between Victory and Death, (Melbourne: Scribe, 2009). For details of the National Archives of Australia (NAA) series B73, see, http://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/DetailsReports/SeriesDetail.aspx?series_no=B73, accessed 30 April 2013. The Farrall references are from his Hospital (H101649) and Medical (M101649) files in the B73 series. 7 This synthesis draws on the Australian studies of shell shock in Larsson, Shattered Anzacs, 151 and 149-77; Garton, The Cost of War, 158 and 143-75; and Kate Blackmore, The Dark Pocket of Time: War, Medicine, and the Australian State, 1914-1935 (Adelaide: Lythrum Press, 2008), 173-80. See also Peter Leese, Shell Shock: Traumatic Neurosis and the British Soldiers of the First World War (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002); Paul Lerner, Hysterical Men: War, Psychiatry and the Politics of Trauma in German, 1890-1930, (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003); Michael Tyquin, Madness and the Military: Australia's Experience of the Great War, (Canberra: Australian Military History Publications, 2006). See also Fred Turner, Echoes of Combat: Trauma, Memory, and the Vietnam War, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996); Anton Kaes, Shell Shock Cinema, Weimar Culture and the Wounds of War, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009); Jonathan Shay, Achilles in Vietnam: Combat Trauma and the Undoing of Character, (New York: Scribner, 1995); John E. Talbott, "Soldiers, Psychiatrists and Combat Trauma," The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 3 (1997): 437-454; Nigel C. Hunt, Memory, War, and Trauma, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010). 8 Medical Report, 22 October 1917, Evidence File, 1939, M101649; Meadowbank Manufacturing Company, Reports, 23 May 1939 and 5 November 1926, M101649. 9 Dr. Rutledge, 26 October 1920, M101649; Farrall, Appeals, 23 October 1926 and 30 October 1926, M101649; Dr. Graham, 6 November 1926, M101649; Farrall 2, pp. 24-5; Doctors Willis and Smith, Medical Report, 16 December 1926, M101649. 10 Farrall, letter to the Deputy Commissioner, 12 March 1927, M101649. 11 Dr. Willcocks, 31 January 1927, M101649; Dr. Allen, 14 July 1928, M101649; Dr. Francis, 10 February 1927, M101649; Dr. Parkinson, 1 March 1927, M101649. 12 Larsson, Shattered Anzacs, 206-33; Lloyd and Rees, The Last Shilling, 144 and 251-52. 13 Dr. Willcocks, 31 January 1927, M101649; Dr. Allen, 14 July 1928, M101649; Dr. Parkinson, 1 March 1927, M101649; Clinical assessment, 17 January 1939, M101649; Dr. Smith, 22 March 1927, M101649; Dr. Minty, 25 January 1927, M101649; Out Patient Notes, 13 October 1931 and 11 January 1937, M101649. Fred's political development is described in our 1983 interview, but is also detailed in a government intelligence report: Deputy Director, Australian Security Intelligence Organization, Central Office, Canberra, Secret Report to Secretary of Public Service Board, 23 August 1949, Control Symbol C89597, Series A367, NAA, at http://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/scripts/Imagine/asp, accessed January 10, 2013. The report lists Fred's activities from 1931, when he was arrested carrying a "loaded hose pipe" in his pocket during an anti-eviction rally outside a court. 14 Dr. Minty, 25 January 1927, M101649; Dr. Willcocks, 10 February 1927, M101649; Dr. Smith, 22 March 1927, M101649. 15 Farrall, Claim, 9 May 1939, M101649; Michael Roe, "Arthur, Richard (1865–1932)," Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography, Australian National University, http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/arthur-richard-5061/text8437, accessed January 10, 2013. On Arthur, see also Damousi, Freud in Australia, 26. 16 Dr. Godfrey, 24 July 1939, M101649; Dr. Crowe, 15 August 1939, M101649; State Board, 28 August 1939, M101649. Fred's appeal against the 1939 decision was rejected in August 1942. 17 Damousi, Freud in Australia, 51. See also Mark S. Micale and Paul Lerner, eds., Traumatic Pasts: History, Psychiatry, and Trauma in the Modern Age, 1870-1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). 18 Farrall, undated notes (circa 1978), Veterans Affairs Tribunal Box, Series 1987.0418, Farrall Papers; Farrall 1, p. 37; Case Sheet, Repatriation General Hospital Heidelberg (RGHH), 27 July 1944, H101649; Case Sheet, 6 July 1950, RGHH, H101649. See Sebastian Gurciullo, "Ellery, Reginald Spencer (Reg) (1897–1955)," Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography, Australian National University, http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/ellery-reginald-spencer-reg-10110/text17847, accessed 10 January 2013. On Ellery's "homespun psychotherapy," see also Damousi, Freud in Australia, 70-73. 19 Dr. Freedman, 23 September 1949, M101649. Medical convention in the 2000s is that duodenal ulcers are caused by bacteria and not by stress, though the link between ulcers and stress has had a strong popular purchase and was likely believed by Fred (Frank Bowden, Professor of Medicine at the Australian National University and Senior Staff Specialist, Infectious Diseases, ACT Health, e-mail to the author, April 13, 2013). 20 Case Sheet, RGHH, 6 July 1950, H101649; Case Sheets, RGHH, 1 June 1961 and 8 June 1961, H101649; Mr Godley, Medical Report 24 March 1983, H101649; Farrall, letter to 'John, Margie and Helen' (in England), 7 June 1987, Personal Letters Box, Series 1987.0418, Farrall Papers. Fred's correspondence with family and friends in the 1980s often mentioned his nerves, which were assumed to be war-caused. 21 Dr. May, Report, 25 May 1950, M101649. Several publications, and new online and paper archives, offer a detailed picture of Fred's peacetime activism: Maureen Bang, "Toorak's Pensioner Mayor," Australian Woman's Weekly, October 3, 1973, 4-5; Lois Farrall, The File on Fred: A Biography of Fred Farrall, (Carrum: High Leigh Publishing, 1992); Dorothy Farrall, "Autobiography," unpublished transcript of an interview by Wendy Lowenstein, transcribed by Fred Farrall, no date, Manuscript Collection, State Library of Victoria; Hill, et al. Celebration of Fred Farrall's 90th Birthday; Series 1983.0113 and 1987.0148, Farrall Papers. 22 Didier Fassin and Richard Rechtman, The Empire of Trauma: An Inquiry into the Condition of Victimhood, trans. Rachel Gomme, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009). 23 Case Sheet, RGHH, 6 July 1950, H101649; Farrall, Claim, 1 December 1977, M101649; Farrall 1, p. 27. 24 For an overview of trauma and memory theory, see Katherine Hodgkin and Susannah Radstone, eds., Memory History Nation: Contested Pasts (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2007), 97-167. See also, for this approach to trauma, Micale and Lerner, Traumatic Pasts; and for histories of the notion of trauma as a post- World War Two creation, Fassin and Rechtman, The Empire of Trauma, and Christina Twomey, "Trauma and the Reinvigoration of Anzac: An Argument," History Australia 10, no. 3 (2013), available at http://journals.publishing.monash.edu/ojs/index.php/ha/article/view/988/1520. Accessed January 27, 2014. 25 Janet Walker, "The Traumatic Paradox: Autobiographical Documentation and the Psychology of Memory," in Hodgkin and Radstone, Memory History Nation, 114. See also Christopher J. Colvin, "'Brothers and Sisters, Do Not Be Afraid of Me': Trauma, History and the Therapeutic Imagination in the New South Africa," in Hodgkin and Radstone, Memory History Nation, 156-7. 26 Lois Farrall, The File on Fred. 27 For a fine example where there is sufficient evidence for a psychoanalytically informed reading of war trauma, see Michael Roper, "Re-remembering the Soldier Heroes: The Psychic and Social Construction of Memory in Personal Narratives of the Great War," History Workshop Journal 50 (Autumn 2000): 181-204. 28 Medical Officer's Report, 12 October 1971, M101649; Dr. Freed, Notes, 4 May 1972, H101649. 29 See Anzac Memories, 1994, 8-12 and 225-39. For Popular Memory Group understandings of composure, see Graham Dawson, "Trauma, Place and the Politics of Memory: Bloody Sunday, Derry, 1972-2004," History Workshop Journal 59 (2005), 151-178; Graham Dawson, Making Peace with the Past? Memory, Trauma and the Irish Troubles (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007). 30 Michael Roper, "Review of Anzac Memories," Oral History, 22, no. 2 (1994): 92. Jerome Bruner, "The Narrative Construction of Reality," Critical Inquiry, 18, no. 1 (1991): 16. On memory, healing and composure, see Charlotte Linde, Life Stories: The Creation of Coherence, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Sean Field, "Beyond 'Healing': Trauma, Oral History and Regeneration," Oral History, 34, no.1 (2006): 31-42. 31 See Saul Friedlander, "Trauma, Memory, and Transference," in Geoffrey H. Hartman, ed., Holocaust Remembrance: The Shapes of Memory (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1994), 260-61. 32 See for example: Roper, "Re-remembering the Soldier Heroes"; Mark Roseman, "Surviving Memory: Truth and Inaccuracy in Holocaust Testimony," The Journal of Holocaust Education, 8, no. 1 (1999): 1-20; and Alistair Thomson, Moving Stories: An Intimate History of Four Women Across Two Countries (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2011). Of course sometimes oral history is the main available source and we have to work with what we've got—as for example Christopher Browning does, magnificently, in his oral history of a Nazi slave labor camp: Christopher R. Browning, Remembering Survival: Inside a Nazi Slave-Labor Camp (New York: W.W. Norton, 2010). 33 Fred Farrall, undated notes (circa 1982), Veterans Affairs Tribunal Box, Series 1987.0418, Farrall Papers. 34 Alessandro Portelli, "The Peculiarities of Oral History," History Workshop Journal, 12 (Autumn 1981): 96–107. See also: Alessandro Portelli, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories: Form and Meaning in Oral History, (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991); Alessandro Portelli, The Order Has been Carried Out: History, Memory, and Meaning of a Nazi Massacre in Rome, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). For examples of other oral history books that take a similar approach, see: Penny Summerfield, Reconstructing Women's Wartime Lives (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998); Natalie Nguyen, Memory Is Another Country: Women of the Vietnamese Diaspora (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2009). Recent texts on oral history theory and method that explore such approaches include: Lynn Abrams, Oral History Theory (London: Routledge, 2010); Donald A. Ritchie, ed., The Oxford Handbook of Oral History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011); Valerie Raleigh Yow, Recording Oral History. A Guide for the Humanities and Social Sciences, 2nd ed., (Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira Press, 2005); Thomas L. Charlton, Lois E. Myers and Rebecca Sharpless, eds., Handbook of Oral History, (Lanham, MD: Altamira Press, 2006); Alexander Freund and Alistair Thomson, eds., Oral History and Photography, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011); Perks and Thomson, The Oral History Reader. For developments over the past twenty years in my own understandings of and approaches to oral history, see Alistair Thomson, "Four Paradigm Transformations in Oral History," Oral History Review, 34, no. 1 (2007): 49-70; Alistair Thomson, "Memory and Remembering in Oral History," in Ritchie, The Oxford Handbook of Oral History, 77-95; Thomson, Moving Stories. 35 For overviews about memory and oral history, see Abrams, Oral History Theory, 78-105; Thomson, "Memory and Remembering in Oral History"; Yow, Recording Oral History, 35-67. 36 On "particular publics," see Thomson, Anzac Memories, 2013, 12-15. On communicative memory see: Jan Assman, "Collective Memory and Cultural identity," New German Critique, 65 (1995): 125-33; Alexander Freund, "A Canadian Family Talks about Oma's Life in Nazi Germany: Three-Generational Interviews and Communicative Memory," Oral History Forum, 29 (2009): 1-26; Graham Smith, "Beyond Individual / Collective Memory: Women's Transactive Memories of Food, Family and Conflict," Oral History 35, no. 2 (2007): 77-90. 37 See Lynn Abrams, "Subjectivity and Intersubjectivity," in Oral History Theory (London: Routledge, 2010): 54-77; Valerie Raleigh Yow, "'Do I Like Them Too Much?': Effects of the Oral History Interview on the Interviewer and Vice-Versa," Oral History Review 24, no. 1 (1997): 55-79. 38 Thomson, Anzac Memories, 1994, 229-34. See also Alistair Thomson, "Memory as a Battlefield: Personal and Political Investments in the National Past," Oral History Review 22, no. 2 (Winter 1995): 55-73. 39 The best oral history interviews affirm the value of the life story told whilst at the same time encouraging the narrator to elaborate and stretch his or her story in less well-rehearsed directions. On the communicative relationship of the oral history interview, see Valerie Raleigh Yow, "'Do I Like Them Too Much?'"; Michael Roper, "Analysing the Analysed: Transference and Counter-transference in the Oral History Encounter," Oral History 31, no. 2 (2003): 20-32; Daniel James, Dona María's Story: Life History, Memory and Political Identity, (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000; Della Pollock, ed., Remembering: Oral History as Performance, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005); Abrams, Oral History Theory, 54-77. 40 Fred Farrall, letter to Alistair Thomson, September 1985, in the author 's possession; Alistair Thomson, "The Forgotten Anzacs: Radical Diggers Challenge an Australian Legend," unpublished manuscript, 1986, Australian War Memorial MS1180. For another early use of the interview with Fred, see Alistair Thomson, "The Return of the Soldier," Meanjin 47, no.4 (1988): 709-716. 41 On sharing authority, see Michael Frisch, A Shared Authority. Essays on the Craft and Meaning of Oral and Public History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990); Thomson, "Moving Stories."Additional informationNotes on contributorsAlistair Thomson Alistair Thomson is professor of history at Monash University and a former president of the International Oral History Association. His books include: Anzac Memories (1994 and 2013), The Oral History Reader (1998, 2006, and 2015 with Rob Perks), Ten Pound Poms: Australia's Invisible Migrants (2005, with Jim Hammerton), Moving Stories: An Intimate History of Four Women across Two Countries (2011) and Oral History and Photography (2011, with Alexander Freund). Website: http://arts.monash.edu.au/history/staff/athomson.php. E-mail: alistair.thomson@monash.edu
Abstract The forcible feeding of suffragettes in prisons in Edwardian Britain was an abuse that had serious physical and psychological consequences for those fed, and one in which the medical profession was complicit, by failing as a body to condemn the practice as both medically unnecessary and dangerous. An over‐cosy relationship with the Government through the five‐year period during which compulsory feeding took place resulted in either silence or outright support for the Home Office from the profession's key spokesmen—the Presidents of the Royal Colleges and the editors of the main medical journals. Sir Victor Horsley, an eminent but controversial figure, led opposition to forcible feeding, but, with relatively few male colleagues backing him, it continued unchecked. Undeterred, Horsley worked tirelessly to make his profession aware of the realities of the practice and recognise that, as the militant campaign had escalated, the Home Office had used the doctors administering it to punish, rather than treat, the hunger strikers. Notes [1] The National Archives, London (hereafter TNA), HO144/1038/180965/3. For a detailed analysis of the militants' experiences in prison, including the question of forcible feeding, see J. Purvis (1995) The Prison Experiences of the Suffragettes in Edwardian Britain, Women's History Review, 4, pp. 103–33. [2] TNA, HO45/10389/170808/19. [3] 'Suffragist Women Prisoners', statement by the Home Office, December 1909, TNA, HO144/1038/180782/83A. [4] H. T. Randall (1990) The History of Enteral Nutrition, in J. L Rombeau & M. D. Caldwell (Eds) Clinical Nutrition: enteral and tube feeding (2nd edn) (Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders Company), pp. 2–3. [5] M. A. Bernard & B. Ryan (1989) Complications of Enteral Feeding, in J. L. Rombeau, M. D. Caldwell, L. Forlaw, & P. A. Gueuter (Eds) Atlas of Nutritional Support Techniques (Boston: Little, Brown & Co.), pp. 104–106. [6] T. Clouston (1872) Forcible Feeding, Lancet, ii, pp. 797–798; also, 'Forcible Feeding of the Insane', Lancet, ii (1912), p. 671. [7] Bryan, later Sir Bryan, Donkin, medical adviser to the Prison Commission. [8] TNA, HO144/1038/180782/71. [9] A note from Edward VII's private secretary to Gladstone, dated 13 August 1909 ('His Majesty would be glad to know why the existing methods which must obviously exist for dealing with prisoners who refuse nourishment, should not be adopted') is reproduced in J. Marlow (2000) Votes for Women: the Virago book of suffragettes (London: Virago Press), p. 94. [10] Home Office statement, cited in note 3. [11] A. F. Savill, C. W. Mansell Moullin & V. Horsley (1912) Preliminary Report on the Forcible Feeding of Suffrage Prisoners, Lancet, ii, pp. 549–551. [12] The Times, 29 September 1909, p. 9. [13] British Medical Journal, ii (1909), pp. 997–998. [14] The letter, with the signatories given in full, was reproduced in Votes for Women, 8 October 1909. [15] The Times, The Woman Suffragists, 5 October 1909, p. 8. [16] British Medical Journal, ii (1909), pp. 1098–9; Louisa Garrett Anderson, an active member of the WSPU, was the daughter of Elizabeth Garrett Anderson. [17] Fasting Prisoners and Compulsory Feeding, British Medical Journal, ii (1909), p. 1089. [18] The Times, 11, 15 & 18 December 1909 and 1 January 1910. [19] Leigh v. Gladstone, Law Reports, The Times, 10 December 1909, p. 3. [20] L. Radzinowicz & R. Hood (1990) The Emergence of Penal Policy in Victorian and Edwardian England (Oxford: Clarendon Press), p. 455. [21] For example, Mary Richardson and Rachel Peace ('Jane Short'), TNA, HO144/1257/235545. [22] TNA, HO144/1195/220196/575. [23] TNA, HO144/1195/220196/607. [24] e.g. TNA, HO144/1195/220196/629. [25] British Medical Journal, ii (1912), p. 48. [26] 'Preliminary Report on the Forcible Feeding of Suffrage Prisoners', cited in note 11. [27] British Medical Journal, ii (1912), pp. 659–661. [28] C. Mercier (1912) Preliminary Report on the Forcible Bathing of Prisoners, Lancet, ii, pp. 801–802. [29] Forcible Feeding of Suffrage Prisoners, British Medical Journal, ii (1912), p. 907–908. [30] TNA, PCOM7/355. [31] The Case of Miss Lenton, The Times, 18 March 1913, p. 6. [32] TNA, HO144/1255/234788/18. [33] See, for example, the file on Mary Richardson and 'Jane Short' (Rachel Peace) in Home Office papers, which includes the telegram illustrated in Figure 1: TNA, HO144/1257/235545/12. [34] TNA, HO144/1257/235545. [35] Forcible Feeding: Home Office Statement on the Practice, The Times, 15 November 1913, p. 11. [36] Daily News, 24 May 1913, in TNA, HO144/1255/234788/19. [37] TNA, HO144/1255/234788/23. [38] University College London Special Collections (hereafter UCLSC), Victor Horsley Papers, A44. [39] Reproduced in full in Lancet, ii (1913), pp. 189–193. [40] S. Paget (1919) Sir Victor Horsley: a study of his life and work (London: Constable & Co.), p. 195. [41] The Suffragette, 17 April 1913. [42] TNA, HO144/1257/235545/49. [43] TNA, HO144/1257/235545/25. [44] UCLSC, Horsley Papers, C6. [45] Ibid. [46] TNA, HO144/1257/235545/55. [47] By July 1916 Drs Moxon and Murray were more preoccupied with their war work than with the libel suits. Moxon and the other defendants withdrew their allegations, apologised and were ordered to pay costs. Murray eventually agreed to make a formal withdrawal and paid £200, but asked the plaintiffs to admit that bromide had been found, and made no apology. TNA, TS27/51. [48] Letter cited in note 35. [49] H. C. G. Matthew & B. Harrison (2004) Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press), vol. 51, p. 992 & vol. 59, p. 164. [50] 'An Iniquitous Thing: a Speech Delivered by Dr F Moxon in the Kingsway Hall, on November 25, 1913', The Suffragette, 12 December 1913, p. 205. [51] Bryn Mawr College Library, Special Collections: Frank Moxon (c.1914) What Forcible Feeding Means (London: The Women's Press), pp. 4–5 & 12. Available online at: http://www.brynmawr.edu/library/exhibits/suffrage/feeding.html (accessed December 2006). The Presidents of the two Royal Colleges (Physicians and Surgeons) both had appointments to the Royal Household, and numbered prominent men including politicians among their patients. [52] Ibid., p. 2. The original petition signed by 226 doctors has not survived, so it is impossible to tell how much support came from male doctors. [53] The Suffragette, 16 January 1914, p. 303. [54] TNA, HO45/10726/254037. [55] A Short Way with Suffragists, The Times, 17 March 1913.
History of Medicine15 May 1991The Clinical Record in Medicine Part 1: Learning from CasesStanley J. Reiser, MD, PhDStanley J. Reiser, MD, PhDAuthor, Article, and Disclosure Informationhttps://doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-114-10-902 SectionsAboutPDF ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack CitationsPermissions ShareFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail ExcerptThe clinical case record freezes in time that episode in life called illness. It is a story in which patient and family are the main characters, with the doctor serving a dual purpose as both biographer and part of the plot. The content of this biography varies greatly, reflecting its many purposes: to recall observations, to inform others, to instruct students, to gain knowledge, to monitor performance, and to justify interventions. In this essay, I discuss how clinical cases have shaped and reflected learning and action in medicine and how the document in which these cases are inscribed—the clinical record—has...References1. Epidemics III. In: Jones WH, ed. Hippocrates. Volume 1. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press; 1923:279. Google Scholar2. The art. In: Jones WH, ed. Hippocrates. Volume 2. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press; 1923:193, 203. Google Scholar3. Sydenham T. In: Dewhurst K, ed. Dr. Thomas Sydenham (1624-1689): His Life and Original Writings. Berkeley, California: University of California Press; 1966:60, 127-8. Google Scholar4. Morgagni G. The Seats and Causes of Diseases Investigated by Anatomy. Volume 2. New York: Hafner Press; 1960:127-8. Google Scholar5. Laennec R. A Treatise on the Diseases of the Chest. John Forbes, trans. New York: Hafner Press; 1962:398-400. Google Scholar6. RodinKey AJ. Medical Casebook of Doctor Arthur Conan Doyle: From Practitioner to Sherlock Holmes and Beyond. Malabar, Florida: Robert S. Krieger; 1984:199. Google Scholar7. Louis P. Researches on the Effects of Bloodletting. Boston: Hilliard, Gray and Company; 1836:64-5. Google Scholar8. Cannon W. The case method of teaching systematic medicine. Boston Medical and Surgical Journal. 1900; 142:32. Google Scholar9. Painter F. Extending the influence of a hospital. The Modern Hospital. 1918;2:356. Google Scholar10. Washburn F. The Massachusetts General Hospital: Its Development. 1900-1935. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin; 1939:117. CrossrefGoogle Scholar This content is PDF only. To continue reading please click on the PDF icon. Author, Article, and Disclosure InformationAffiliations: A version of this essay was presented at a symposium, "The Medical Journal: Past, Present, and Future," held in honor of Edward J. Huth, Editor of Annals of Internal Medicine, on 14 September 1989. Dr. Huth retired as Editor on 30 June 1990. The papers from the symposium will be published in a Festschrift in his honor.*The second part of the article focuses on twentieth century improvements in the content and purpose of the case record. It will appear in the 1 June 1991 issue. PreviousarticleNextarticle Advertisement FiguresReferencesRelatedDetails Metrics Cited byMedical Records: A Historical NarrativeAn Introduction to Big Data Analytics Techniques in HealthcareElectronic Health Records: A Transitional ViewToward analyzing the impact of healthcare treatments in industry 4.0 environment—a self-care case study during COVID-19 outbreakThe patient record and the rise of the pediatric EHRElectronic Health RecordsBig Data Approach for Medical Data Classification: A Review StudyBig data in healthcare: management, analysis and future prospectsA Systems Approach to Design and Implementation of Patient Assessment Tools in the Inpatient SettingPaper and electronic versions of HM-PRO, a novel patient-reported outcome measure for hematology: an equivalence studyNew Information Systems Supporting the Emotional Aspect of CareElectronic Clinical DocumentationCooperative Epistemic Work in Medical Practice: An Analysis of Physicians' Clinical NotesA hierarchical decision model (HDM) for exploring the adoption of electronic health recordsMaintaining the continuity of HIV-care records for patients transferring care between centers: challenges, workloads, needs and risksProblems with the electronic health recordKnowledge in ActionMedical record keeping as interactional accomplishmentAssociation of note quality and quality of care: a cross-sectional studyElectronic Health Record SystemsNational electronic health records and the digital disruption of moral ordersElectronic Versus Paper-Based Assessment of Health-Related Quality of Life Specific to HIV Disease: Reliability Study of the PROQOL-HIV QuestionnaireFrom Papyrus to the Electronic Tablet: A Brief History of the Clinical Medical Record with Lessons for the Digital AgeComputerized provider documentation: findings and implications of a multisite study of clinicians and administrators: Table 1Formulation: A Proposal for a More Structured, Longitudinal ApproachElectronic Medical Records (EMRs), Epidemiology, and Epistemology: Reflections on EMRs and Future Pediatric Clinical ResearchThe Clinical Record: A 200-Year-Old 21st-Century ChallengeMichael S. Barr, MD, MBAClinical methods: an historical perspectiveExperts and 'knowledge that counts': A study into the world of brain cancer diagnosisLes rapports de cas, vestiges du passé ?Clinical DocumentationClinical documentationMedical Record Reviews in Emergency Medicine: The Blessing and the CurseBarrier to Transition from Paper-Based to Computer-Based Patient Record: Analysis of Paper-Based Patient RecordsEmbodying the Patient: Records and Bodies in Early 20th-century US Medical PracticeHistorical Overview of a Psychiatric Clinical Information System: 'Peninsula Pathways'The Technologies of Time Measurement: Implications at the Bedside and the BenchStanley Joel Reiser, MD, MPA, PhDAn integrated electronic health record and information system for Australia?Use of Computer-based Records, Completeness of Documentation, and Appropriateness of Documented Clinical DecisionsMedical Records, Patient Outcome, and Peer Review in Eleventh-Century Arab MedicineGeriatric Rehabilitation: What Do Physicians Know about It and How Should They Use It?Educating Primary Care Physicians in Geriatric RehabilitationAttending to patients' stories: reframing the clinical task.Case Records and the Classification of DiseaseManuel Varela, MDKnowledge in Action 15 May 1991Volume 114, Issue 10Page: 902-907KeywordsElectronic medical recordsForecasting ePublished: 1 December 2008 Issue Published: 15 May 1991 Copyright & Permissions© 1991 American College of PhysiciansPDF downloadLoading ...
Running Away from Drapetomania:Samuel A. Cartwright, Medicine, and Race in the Antebellum South Christopher D. E. Willoughby (bio) In 1940, Mary Louise Marshall, then the librarian of Tulane University's Matas Medical Library, wrote an article that has shaped the historical understanding of Dr. Samuel A. Cartwright. Though Cartwright was a prominent physician and medical writer in antebellum New Orleans, historians mostly remember him for his theories of drapetomania—the disease that caused slaves to run away; rascality—the disease that made slaves commit petty offenses; and dysaesthesia ethiopica—which made slaves "insensible and indifferent to punishment."1 Published in the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal, Marshall's biography of the southern physician seeded the ground for a mythology of Cartwright that has helped define him in the historiography of race and medicine. According to Marshall, Cartwright studied under the country's most famous doctor, founding father Benjamin Rush, first as an apprentice and then at the University of Pennsylvania, but never completed the degree. With this pedigree, Cartwright appeared to be on the path to becoming a leading physician in the United States. Marshall explained that later in his career Cartwright served as "Professor of Diseases of the Negro" in the [End Page 579] Medical Department of the University of Louisiana (now Tulane University).2 The fact is that no record exists of Cartwright at the University of Pennsylvania, which means he certainly never received a degree from that institution.3 Likewise, Rush died in 1813, and Cartwright, according to Marshall, supposedly apprenticed for Rush before he began attending lectures at the University of Pennsylvania but after serving in the War of 1812. This chain of events would have been nearly impossible. Finally, obituaries of Cartwright never mentioned any connection to the most famous doctor in early America.4 Despite being an unabashed self-promoter, Cartwright never explicitly linked himself to Rush. In fact, Cartwright graduated from medical school at Transylvania University in Lexington, Kentucky, in 1823. Throughout his career, Cartwright maintained contact with his former professors such as Charles Caldwell, an early commenter on the supposed anatomical "peculiarities" of black bodies that Cartwright became famous [End Page 580] for enumerating.5 Likewise, Cartwright was never on the faculty at the Medical Department of the University of Louisiana. While Cartwright recommended that "a chair devoted to the diseases of negroes" should be created in southern medical schools, there is no evidence that any university followed through on this idea.6 Since 1940, many historians have repeated portions of Marshall's article, either directly or through multiple layers of citation. The development of Cartwright's story highlights how historical memory gets shaped, with scholars potentially and unknowingly building on outdated and factually suspect histories such as Marshall's. In these narratives, Cartwright acts as a prominent—even if at times eccentric—figure in the southern medical profession. Marshall's biography of Cartwright fit within larger analytical trends in southern history before World War II, depicting white southerners as misunderstood and wronged by the Civil War. In this model, the South, more so than any other region, was most directly related to the founding ideal of the United States as an agrarian [End Page 581] republic.7 Marshall's narrative also points to how historical memory has shaped notions of antebellum white southerners such as Cartwright as distinctive in their approach to race.8 In spite of the continued influence of Marshall's essay, a reexamination of Cartwright and his reception outside the South uncovers the extent to which racial medicine had become a part of a broader medical discourse in the United States and the Atlantic world. Broadening Cartwright's sphere of influence beyond just southerners reveals significant analytical problems in utilizing a regional frame to understand scientific ideologies of race. While Cartwright's slave diseases were in some respects exceptional, even perhaps distinctly southern, his broader vision of race fit within larger trends among American and Atlantic world physicians. Even though Cartwright did enunciate a southern nationalism on occasion, just as often he used regional boosterism as a means of obtaining greater prestige for himself and other southern physicians in national and...
It was great privilege for me as non-nurse to be invited to deliver Monica Baly Lecture for 2006. Though I did not have pleasure of meeting Monica, we shared love of Georgian Bath and in early 1990s corresponded over short article of mine on corruption at famous Mineral Water Hospital in city, which was duly published in History of Nursing Society Journal. 1 Even in that brief exchange of letters, Monica's commitment to and for historical research were immediately striking. I cannot do full justice to her memory. I want to attempt, however, to spell out relevance for nursing practice of approach to nursing history that she pioneered. To do this, I shall be exploring three principal themes: development of nursing history since 1900; origins of medical model that continues to inform British health care system; and ways historical scholarship can offset worst effects of this model by facilitating critical reflection on professional identity, patient perspectives, and evidence-based decision making. The Development of Nursing History Like women's history, nursing history had its origins in Victorian biography, which celebrated worthies whose good example was seen as an exemplar for female readers. 2 With this agenda, it is not surprising that iconic figure of Florence reigned supreme. 3 Sarah Tooley's Life, for instance, was romantic tale, written in 1904 to coincide with 50th anniversary of Florence's departure to Crimea. A simple chronology, short on insight into her personality and motivation, it emphasized self-sacrifice to which all women were expected to aspire, along with their duty to supply physical and spiritual sustenance. 4 During course of 20th century, genre of critical biography emerged from this hagiographic approach. 5 Even Sir Edward Cook's official biography of 1913, though eulogistic, flagged less favorable qualities: Florence's domineering personality; long and bitter struggle with her family; her cavalier treatment of friends; her calculated decision not to marry. Cook even discreetly suggested that relentless pursuit of public activity was product of frustrated sexuality! 6 Almost 40 years were to elapse before Cecil Woodham-Smith produced her much-acclaimed biography. Woodham-Smith insisted in her Note of Acknowledgement that she was offering a complete picture of Miss Nightingale-a recreation of her personality that not only brought out Florence's inner conflict with herself and outer conflict with her family, but also showed how she was able to operate effectively in world controlled by men.7 Biography has many virtues as historical tool. First, individuals come alive. Second, criticisms are voiced, despite fears that negative comment may be suppressed. Thus in Eminent Victorians, published in 1918, Lytton Strachey penned scathing essay on Florence, indulging in wit and mocking sarcasm: At times Mrs Nightingale almost wept. 'We are ducks,' she said with tears in her eyes, 'who have hatched wild swan.' But poor lady was wrong; it was not swan that they had hatched, it was an eagle. 8 Third, biography is able to challenge biography. Witness how Jane Robinson's recent study has rehabilitated Mary Seacole 9 -quickly forgotten after her death though greeted with rapturous enthusiasm at public banquet held in London to honor Crimean soldiers. Now she has been featured on postage stamp, issued in July 2006 to commemorate 150th anniversary of National Portrait Gallery. 10 Nevertheless, biography does have limitations. In particular, it overlooks the more ordinary lives of nurses and patients, and prevents comprehensive analysis of economic, social, political, and cultural environments in which they lived. 11 Therefore, contextual approach is essential to counterbalance these shortcomings. The first attempt at contextualization came in 1960 with Brian Abel-Smith's History of Nursing Profession, which looked at politics of general nursing and assessed role of structure, recruitment, terms and conditions, professional associations, and trade unions. …
We have witnessed a rapid increase in the use of Web-based 'collaborationware' in recent years. These Web 2.0 applications, particularly wikis, blogs and podcasts, have been increasingly adopted by many online health-related professional and educational services. Because of their ease of use and rapidity of deployment, they offer the opportunity for powerful information sharing and ease of collaboration. Wikis are Web sites that can be edited by anyone who has access to them. The word 'blog' is a contraction of 'Web Log' – an online Web journal that can offer a resource rich multimedia environment. Podcasts are repositories of audio and video materials that can be "pushed" to subscribers, even without user intervention. These audio and video files can be downloaded to portable media players that can be taken anywhere, providing the potential for "anytime, anywhere" learning experiences (mobile learning). Wikis, blogs and podcasts are all relatively easy to use, which partly accounts for their proliferation. The fact that there are many free and Open Source versions of these tools may also be responsible for their explosive growth. Thus it would be relatively easy to implement any or all within a Health Professions' Educational Environment. Paradoxically, some of their disadvantages also relate to their openness and ease of use. With virtually anybody able to alter, edit or otherwise contribute to the collaborative Web pages, it can be problematic to gauge the reliability and accuracy of such resources. While arguably, the very process of collaboration leads to a Darwinian type 'survival of the fittest' content within a Web page, the veracity of these resources can be assured through careful monitoring, moderation, and operation of the collaborationware in a closed and secure digital environment. Empirical research is still needed to build our pedagogic evidence base about the different aspects of these tools in the context of medical/health education. If effectively deployed, wikis, blogs and podcasts could offer a way to enhance students', clinicians' and patients' learning experiences, and deepen levels of learners' engagement and collaboration within digital learning environments. Therefore, research should be conducted to determine the best ways to integrate these tools into existing e-Learning programmes for students, health professionals and patients, taking into account the different, but also overlapping, needs of these three audience classes and the opportunities of virtual collaboration between them. Of particular importance is research into novel integrative applications, to serve as the "glue" to bind the different forms of Web-based collaborationware synergistically in order to provide a coherent wholesome learning experience.
INTRODUCTION: In December 2017, Lancet called for gender inequality investigations. Holding other factors constant, trends over time for significant author (i.e., first, second, last or any of these authors) publications were examined for the three highest-impact medical research journals (i.e., New England Journal of Medicine [NEJM], Journal of the American Medical Association [JAMA], and Lancet). MATERIALS AND METHODS: Using randomly sampled 2002-2019 MEDLINE original publications (n = 1,080; 20/year/journal), significant author-based and publication-based characteristics were extracted. Gender assignment used internet-based biographies, pronouns, first names, and photographs. Adjusting for author-specific characteristics and multiple publications per author, generalized estimating equations tested for first, second, and last significant author gender disparities. RESULTS: Compared to 37.23% of 2002 - 2019 U.S. medical school full-time faculty that were women, women's first author publication rates (26.82% overall, 15.83% NEJM, 29.38% Lancet, and 35.39% JAMA; all p < 0.0001) were lower. No improvements over time occurred in women first authorship rates. Women first authors had lower Web of Science citation counts and co-authors/collaborating author counts, less frequently held M.D. or multiple doctoral-level degrees, less commonly published clinical trials or cardiovascular-related projects, but more commonly were North American-based and studied North American-based patients (all p < 0.05). Women second and last authors were similarly underrepresented. Compared to men, women first authors had lower multiple publication rates in these top journals (p < 0.001). Same gender first/last authors resulted in higher multiple publication rates within these top three journals (p < 0.001). DISCUSSION: Since 2002, this authorship "gender disparity chasm" has been tolerated across all these top medical research journals. Despite Lancet's 2017 call to arms, furthermore, the author-based gender disparities have not changed for these top medical research journals - even in recent times. Co-author gender alignment may reduce future gender inequities, but this promising strategy requires further investigation.
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1. Charles L. Dana, “The Zoophil‐Psychosis: A Modern Malady,” Medical Record 75 (6 March 1909): 381–83.2. Susan E. Lederer, “The Controversy over Animal Experimentation in America, 1880–1914,” in Vivisection in Historical Perspective, ed. Nicolaas A. Rupke (London, 1987), 236–58.3. For a representative statement of the antivivisection view, see Caroline E. White, “Is Vivisection Morally Justifiable Journal ofZoophily 4 (May 1895): 55–57.4. William J. Robinson, “The Malice and Vindictiveness of the Antivivisectionists,” Medical Record 51 (29 May 1897): 791.5. ”Antivivisection Hysteria,” Scientific American 109 (27 December 1913): 486;”The Antivivisectionists,” Science 33 (17 March 1911): 429–30; E. C. Levy to William W. Keen, 2 February 1900, William W. Keen Papers, uncataloged box, College of Physicians of Philadelphia; Saul Benison, A. Clifford Barger, and Elin L. Wolfe, Walter B. Cannon: The Life and Times of a Young Scientist (Cambridge, Mass., 1987), 180.6. New York Times, 13 December 1935, 25; National Cyclopedia of American Biography, (New York, 1906), 13:528.7. John S. Haller and Robin M. Haller, The Physician and Sexuality in Victorian America (Urbana, 111., 1974), chap. 1, “The Nervous Century”; Barbara Sicherman, “The Uses of a Diagnosis: Doctors, Patients, and Neurasthenia,” in Sickness and Health in America, ed. Judith Walzer Leavirt and Ronald L. Numbers (Madison, Wis., 1978), 25–38; Francis G. Gosling, Before Freud: Neurasthenia and the American Medical Community, 1870–1910 (Urbana, 1987).8. Gosling, Before Freud, 81; Charles L. Dana, Text‐Book of Nervous Diseases, 6th ed. (New York, 1904), 628–29.9. On misogyny in late nineteenth‐century science, see Cynthia E. Russett, Sexual Science: The Victorian Construction of Womanhood (Cambridge, Mass., 1989). On women and neurasthenia, see Haller and Haller, Physician and Sexuality; Gosling, Before Freud, 55–63,97–100.10. Gosling, Before Freud, 164–65.11. Nathan G. Hale, Jr., Freud and the Americans (New York, 1971), 81, 88, 299, 450.12. Charles L. Dana, The Service of Animal Experimentation to the Knowledge and Treatment of Nervous Diseases (n.p., 1909). A copy of this unpaginated, four‐page tract can be found in the William H. Welch Papers, box 126, Alan Mason Chesney Archives, the Johns Hopkins Medical Institutions.13. These events can be followed in the New York Times and the Journal of Zoophily. See also George W. Corner, A History of the Rockefeller Institute: 1901–1953, Origins and Growth (New York, 1964).14. Ammunition against the Anti‐Vivisectionists,” Science 29 (26 February 1909): 342;”The Crusade against Vivisection and the Crusade against Rats,” Harper's Weekly 52 (March 1908): 6.15. Dana, “Zoophil‐Psychosis,” 381.16. Ibid., 381.17. Ibid.,381.18. Ibid., 381–82.19. Ibid., 382.20. Ibid., 382,383.21. Ibid.22. New York Times, 8 March 1909,11; ibid., 9 March 1909,8.23. New York Times, 11 July 1909, 6; ibid., 10 February 1910, 6; Medical Record 78 (24 September 1910): 538.24. New York Times, 28 January 1911, 10; ibid., 10 February 1911, 8; ibid., 25 February 1914,1.25. Jerome D. Greene to Walter B. Cannon, 21 February 1911, Rockefeller University Archives, RG 199.11 (single folder), Rockefeller Archive Center; James P. Warbasse, The Control of Disease through Animal Experimentation (New York, 1910), 158–61.26. New York Times, 31 December 1917,6; ibid., 23 April 1919,16; ibid., 13 August 1921,8.27. Ernest Harold Baynes, “The Truth about Vivisection,” Woman's Home Companion 48 (July 1921): 9–10; clipping from the Boston Sunday Herald, undated, Rockefeller University Archives, RG 600–1, box 6, folder 1; clipping from the Philadelphia Inquirer, 13 January 1922,1920s scrapbook, American Anti‐Vivisection Society; The Starry Cross (successor to the Journal of Zoophily) 31 (April 1922): 59–60.28. Journal of Zoophily 18 (June 1909): 60;New York Evening Mail quoted in Journal of Zoophily 27 (June 1918): 91;New York Times, 25 January 1911,8.29. Clarence Dennis, “America's Littlewood Crisis: The Sentimental Threat to Animal Research,” Surgery 60 (October 1966): 832.30. Jonathan Wright, “Medicine and Philosophy in Virgil,” Medical Journal and Record 119 (2 April 1924): 360–62;New York Times, 3 April 1924,20.
In some instances certainly it is true that those who ignore the lessons of history are likely to repeat the mistakes of earlier generations. Thomas Carlyle (1795–1881) thought a little differently, feeling that no great man lives in vain, that history is the essence of innumerable biographies and that the history of the world is but the biography of great men. Interest in the history of medicine has mushroomed in the last decade or two and individual biographies, hospital histories, specialist journals such as the Journal of the History of the Neurosciences and sections in general journals such as Archives of Neurology , Neurology (Minneapolis) , The Lancet , the Journal of The Royal Society of Medicine and others have conveyed the lessons of history to a wider readership. Dr Frank Clifford Rose, Director of the London Neurological Centre and Chairman of the World Federation of Neurology Research Group on the History of the Neurosciences, is the Editor of this superb yet concise volume, the first of a pair that describes some of the important British contributions to neurology. This volume covers the years 1660–1910 in a series of 20 articles within 282 pages, including a good index. The references in the 20 chapters are legion—over 700 references, a few duplicated but a mine of information from which to chase primary sources. Rose himself writes on John Fothergill (1712–1780), James Parkinson (1755–1824) and on three writers of early nineteenth-century British neurological texts, namely John Cooke (1756–1838), Charles Bell (1774–1841) and Marshall Hall (1790–1857), advancing still further Rose's prolific contributions to the history of the neurosciences. In fact, this volume forms part of the proceedings of the Mansell Bequest Symposium which was held at the Medical Society of London (founded in 1773) and uses the term Neurohistory—a new word now to …
Shameless: The Visionary Life of Mary Gove Nichols. By Jean L. Silver-- Isenstadt. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002. Pp. xii, 342. Illustrations. Cloth, $24.95.) Shameless is the first book-length biography to chronicle the amazing life of Mary Gove Nichols, health and sex reformer who was in the public eye, on the public stage, and in the public prints for two decades, starting in 1838. This forceful advocate for women's freedom has long deserved far more prominent place in our histories of antebellum reform and women's rights, and Jean Silver-Isenstadt restores her to that prominence in an artfully written book that is pleasure to read. This is the biography that Mary Gove Nichols and her husband Dr. Thomas L. Nichols expected, anticipated, indeed probably ached to have. They had formidably sure sense of their own fame, and why it eluded them for so long is an interesting question. The two show up in cameo roles in number of excellent books on nineteenth-century social movements. But no one, until now, has advanced our biographical knowledge of Mary Gove Nichols beyond the basic outlines. Silver-Isenstadt, who holds an M.D. as well as Ph.D., brings to the project firm foundation in medicine, which is helpful for understanding woman who from her adolescent years studied medical books with obsessive intensity. With sure hand, Silver-Isenstadt appraises the health scene of the 1840s and makes sense of this determined woman's professional rise as medical specialist. When Mary Gove made her 1838 lecturing debut in towns across the Northeast on the subject of women's anatomy and physiology, only handful of women were public lecturers. Her immodest topics-tight lacing, reproduction, and marital sex-drew ridicule from the press and disownment from her Quaker meeting. In 1840 she edited health journal based on the teachings of the diet and sex reformer Sylvester Graham; in many ways, Gove appears to have been female Graham, espousing his anti-sex and anti-meat regimens. Her first pamphlet publication, in 1839, addressed the solitary vice (i.e., masturbation) in females. By 1845 she was committed to the water cure and secured her first posts as paid medical practitioner, seeing women patients, teaching classes, and writing for the Water-Cure Journal. In 1847, Mary Gove- disaffected and separated wife of the churlish Hiram Gove-met Thomas Low Nichols. Mary Gove, Nichols was journalist and editor with strong medical interests. During an early stint at Dartmouth Medical School, he heard Sylvester Graham lecture and adopted his dietary program. Like trains on parallel tracks, Thomas and Mary would spend the next fourteen years [1834-48] living two versions of the same experience (111). And when their trains hooked up, in their 1848 marriage, the two became unstoppable. Over the next ten years, this ambitious couple established several health schools, issued regular periodical, and published half dozen books. Their critique of the sexual system moved in new directions, too, as they relocated to Modem Times on Long Island, joined forces with Stephen Pearl Andrews, and wrote three remarkable books that attacked indissoluble marriage and were widely regarded as promoting Free Love. In this same time period, Mary's talents as medium blossomed, and Spiritualism became central to the Nicholses' lives. And then, quite suddenly, the two converted to Catholicism in 1857, dropped from the reform scene, and in 1861 moved to England, citing moral objections to the Civil War. Silver-Isenstadt notes compelling reasons why these two once-notorious reformers have not gotten their due: they disappeared to England, they passed through many movements instead of sticking with consistent set of allies, their free love program was a liability that made other reformers shun them, and their turnabout conversion has disappointed scholars (8). She offers an intriguing psychological explanation for Mary Gove Nichols's embrace of Catholicism: that baptism and devotion to the Virgin Mary cleansed this woman of an early dread of sex, product of her hateful marriage to Hiram Gove. …
Essays on the History of Anaesthesia, A. Marshall Barr, Thomas B. Boulton, and David S. Wilkinson, eds. London, England: Royal Society of Medicine Press Ltd., 1996, ISBN 1-85315-293-5, 237 pp, $25.00. Essays on the History of Anaesthesia is just that, a collection of essays celebrating the history of anesthesia. Culled and re-edited from presentations made at the British History of Anaesthesia Society from 1986 to 1989, this collection is outstanding. There is a considerable depth and breath of anesthesia history present. Essays cover the beginnings of anesthesia in 1846 until contemporary times, including a fascinating article on the symbols of the Royal Society of Anaesthetists. What is most striking about the collection is the way in which the history of anesthesia in the United Kingdom has been captured. Word portraits of what appear to be obscure figures, at least to an American, fill the volume. Yet, after studying each one, the reader is filled with a new appreciation of the struggle these physicians underwent to assure quality anesthesia for their patients. The book contains references to many interesting collections of papers and journal articles. For scholars of the history of anesthesiology, this book is a treasure. There are many biographies from which a sense of the nature of anesthesia and the conflicts that involved the physician anesthetists can be gleaned. The innumerable collections of personal papers, along with their locations, give historians new and exciting places in which to do research. Quaint terms, such as being "qualified" and "registrar" predominate. The reader needs to be familiar with the British system of medical education to make sense of the essays. Yet, the information on such anesthetic luminaries as Clover, Snow, and Simpson make the little struggle over nomenclature well worth the effort. This volume is mandatory reading for all serious anesthesia historians. Douglas R. Bacon, MD, MA Department of Anesthesiology; State University of New York at Buffalo; Buffalo, NY 14215
Encyclopedia of is an award-winning five-volume set from SAGE Reference, awarded Best Reference 2005 award from the Journal along with an Outstanding Award from the American Library Association's Booklist journal. It represents the first attempt to bring an authoritative reference resource to the many faces of disability. More than 500 world-renowned scholars have written over 1000 entries, in a clear, accessible style, with the desire to bring all students, researchers, and interested readers closer to the daily experience of disability. The first four volumes cover disability in an A to Z format, including a reader's guide, comprehensive bibliography and index. Volume five contains a wealth of primary source documents in the field of disability, everything from photographs to correspondence to excerpts from movie scripts, and more. Sample entries are available to download from the resources section of the website - click on sample chapters and resources to see more. Encyclopedia of is a must-have reference for all academic libraries, large public libraries and any social science, medical, legal, or governmental reference collections. Non-governmental organizations, charitable foundations and law firms will also want to add this set to their collections. The senior editors for this book include: Jerome Bickenbach, Queen's University; Scott Brown Dudley Childress, Northwestern University Medical School; Joseph Flaherty, Univeristy of Illinois at Chicago; Allen Heinemann, Northwestern University; Tamar Heller, Univeristy of Illinois at Chicago; Christopher Keys, University of Illinois at Chicago; David Mitchell, University of Illinois at Chicago; Trevor Parmenter, University of Sydney, Australia; Mairian Scott-Hill, Marsh Hills Cottage; Tom Shakespeare, University of Newcastle; Sharon Snyder, University of Illinois at Chicago; and, Henri-Jacques Stiker, University of Paris. The key themes in this book include: Conditions; Therapies; Biographies/History; Laws; Policy; Consumer Organizations/Advocacy; Definition/Concepts; Movement; Ideology; International Developing Countries; Cultural Differences; Professional and Lay Cultures; Interventions; Prevention; Identity and Representation; Products/Technology/Assisted Devices; Social Political; Universal Design/Architecture/Physical Environment; Outcomes/Efficacy; Cross Cultural/Cross National; and, Journals/Resources. Gary L Albrecht is Professor of Public Health and of Disability and Human Development at the University of Illinois at Chicago.
This is a unique, extensively illustrated dictionary of terms, people, events, and dates spanning the entire history of medicine. It is a monumental work of scholarship totaling some 700 double-column pages with a large number of rare and exceptional illustrations from many original sources painstakingly compiled over years of far-searching inquiry involving more than 5,000 books and hundreds of journals. It is a major resource of hard-to-find information about notable medical figures, instruments, conditions, procedures, and dates and a storehouse of captivating anecdotes and background material. The book contains a wealth of material for concise historical introductions to a broad range of subjects and is the sine qua non authority on both well and little known facts of medical history. With this single volume-an unprecedented tour de force representing more than 7,000 hours of exhaustive research-clinicians and researchers from all fields of medicine can quickly and easily find authoritative, detailed definitions and descriptions, with dates, of medical terms and of the people and events contributing to the development of medicine from earliest times to the present day. The entries range widely from such as abacterial pyuria to zygote, including Latin and Greek origins of terms, compact biographies with dates, eponymic information of all kinds, and rarely seen drawings and photographs of antique medical instruments and little-known conditions.