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In September 1944, while leading the 29th Infantry Division across Brittany to liberate France, the American general Charles Gerhardt decided that his boys needed sex. So he instructed his chief of staff to start a house of prostitution.1 The task went to the St. Renan office of Civil Affairs, the military section assigned to address the needs of the liberated civilian population. Asa Gardiner, the local civil affairs officer, called upon his contacts in the French police force, who produced a pimp named Morot. The pimp, in turn, recommended four prostitutes currently refugeed nearby. Gardiner and Morot rode an army jeep to interview them, and on the way back Gardiner asked Morot to manage the business. For the actual brothel, they billeted a house outside St. Renan that had recently been vacated by the Germans.2 A few days later, as Morot moved in with the prostitutes, Gerhardt approved the sign for the establishment, which read “Blue and Gray Corral, Riding Lessons 100 Francs.”3 When the Corral opened for business on September 10, twenty-one GIs, transported by jeep from the bivouac area, waited patiently in line.4 After five hours of business, the brothel was shut down by the assistant provost marshal on the recommendation of the division chaplain.5 The Corral was not the only “GI whorehouse” established in France. An estimated dozen divisions started their own brothels there and in Italy during the years 1943–1945. As early as July 6, 1944, one month after D-Day, brothels in Cherbourg were being run indirectly by and for GIs, including some designated strictly for “negroes.”6 The creation of such establishments resulted in great part from the fact that, as the Brittany case makes clear, the French were happy to help. For a century, prostitution had been legal in France under a system of maisons closes supervised by the police. Grounded in the assumption that male sexual needs could not be suppressed, the system was designed to ensure the medical safety of sexual contact. Prostitutes were allowed to practice their trade as long as they registered with the police and received regular examinations for venereal disease. Some of these maisons, particularly in Paris (122 rue de Province, Le Sphinx, and Le Chabannais, to name a few), became world-famous seats of pleasure.7 The French system of legal sexual commerce was not lost on the GIs. Because of fantasies nurtured by their fathers' (no doubt embroidered) stories about sexual escapades in France during World War I, the GIs expected the country to be nothing less than a paradise of carnal delight. The “general opinion all along the line,” wrote Life journalist Joe Weston, was that “France was a tremendous brothel inhabited by 40,000,000 hedonists who spent all their time eating, drinking [and] making love.”8 Given his soldiers' expectations of France in particular, Gerhardt thought the best he could do was to ensure the medical safety of their sexual pursuits. Like many U.S. commanders, the general held that male sexual activity was healthy for battle. As General George Patton famously put it, “if they don't fuck, they don't fight.”9 The U.S. Army and the French local government, then, shared the belief that sexual fulfillment was necessary for male Given one that the and the French to in the of sexual became a of the during the years Army French for U.S. with venereal disease. In to their they to manage the and of French to their to U.S. In the the of the the French as The on sexual of from a of the The French government, was was not only American to French a of The U.S. military the of the French not only to ensure the of force, to and in France in the days In by the in the U.S. military of in the The that the U.S. Army and the French for and the of to their as a the of the was the of after D-Day, military that they could not sexual activity in France. In to such activity they while The War brothels such as the “Blue and Gray could not their being and by and in the American the army to the American from such sexual As a in in the and in French became and sexual was in the of including in such as Le and such as and of was the by the French for American The army a the of France, which to with French and In the and of 1944, the American military the French for of venereal GIs to do about as the to a in the army the and medical of in sexual to been a in French and American who run the country and the could be in fact the of in France became a for the of American in the American and were for the of venereal sexual to the of the and the sexual who were for The of the prostitution be only their of in which the were not to by the French to and As was Charles de the in to his own and France. being in de and was not by the the not a in France, of military there to a great of French and during the years a in the GIs in France sexual with and as French had been called by the U.S. military the of sexual of in In a the American of sexual in France produced and sexual then, needs to be the of American on the from being to were of and of and such as and sexual GIs and American and the of and Like the of the French had to with on their the France was in an France by being a U.S. and a the of the the of American the one the of the American military and as of the French doubt about who was in the the to from the of the the that the of France, including the of they American in of sexual commerce was a way for the U.S. military to the French the of the venereal the of American and the military during World War In particular, they the the of the U.S. sex. The army not a had with a French great that a not a venereal disease. to the U.S. Army in the of a to the of the in the of the of the wrote to all in of from venereal be who venereal the Army as as one who his to sexual with the of Given these became a of military during early as in for the of the in with the of GIs who had in medical as as the staff of the in from The of the War was the of as the of in after the trade army to the venereal and military and to a of and In the U.S. the which prostitution army the was to be and as American on the of the became GIs in in to be venereal became the medical in that of In and the army to only to along the of brothels were the of their to U.S. of in turn, by When venereal in Italy in brothels in and were to and to In all of to prostitution in to put on their the in Italy was estimated to be than five the by the War medical that could the of the A medical the in Italy in a of the of and that their of the disease. The of in Italy had in these to the soldiers' for sex. division that from upon by the and in in the of the by as then, were as of who the many The to who the the the prostitutes was their while to As was the case in medical that in France as of venereal a Civil D-Day, the was to the of from the civilian from the GIs to be recommended that such and from the they nothing they in France, medical were their to of French in way they The in these as the of who their to the of the to to the sexual of these In prostitution the of sexual and a time was with The of the and had American in the As of sexual commerce and about American and medical to be the of they American as sexual the of became than of been the to with the American wrote as in an on the of the as a he to be and the to the as long as to the for such The army that venereal were in Because of medical and a of in the army a not a of became during their less in on the For a division had a a officer, to the on the American GIs became a of the U.S. Army their of the were of in In army sexual the of the GIs. became from and sex. had for The army an of and who in the Army were not to sexual to American in the way that they their and doubt the army was not to the that had of on the to sexual were by the such as of of and on the of after the all brothels were and were by military and French became a for a to that he had the GIs on French became a In September 1944, to that was there be of venereal of was from all France that were was as as in the and for in the the venereal U.S. on the was than had been in The of the to sexual GIs and French as an in an army for and the and to of of in the the military had was particularly was to to In the not been not to it, the of the was that was of their military that of and of had had some during the As one medical put it, be In the of the to the of prostitution in France was a legal business. the of the and across France during the to and police had time in one to brothels the of French Because could not be a were to be were the GIs had of to with French to The an of the GIs In they were of during For some the GIs the fact that the had a about that the the the for their in to Some of the in the of who as their were the were to to after sex. in and were the of After and with a was to of of to his he a his and held there for five he his with his and on the was the to be for such an could it, which from the of and the army sexual For venereal case the was to a on the The was to a of prostitutes who could be The had such a during the that was the legal brothel system was the U.S. Army a of in of of were prostitutes were and in and under the were they had sex. the best they could of their sexual was The of Paris in a of The U.S. military to the September the provost marshal of the Paris and in the with the French police. the the maisons for and the chief days to brothels the with brothels by and The as was became a for GIs on from all France to the to for sexual wrote a to the was a to Paris For some after he was to his had to on For some The for brothels one as nothing than an for In to by the in they in civilian Some to only had the of a French a fact not lost on the who a for and in which a to the by The GIs were a who were not by the of a the of went than resulted from the of in the War of was the of army than in a 1944, and in as a of War by from prostitution in to military such the on on they be to venereal that be with they be to venereal the they be were not to were they to not had the of the sexual that the military was to be a to on the of sex. In the of was to the of in the of the that was a that the general of the and was a by the not a that one way to the was to a house of For to he prostitutes and a to In his to to was legal and The the of to the they needed in to the male to one the of the War to be and they and they had to for to venereal disease. and by of and and 1944, General to start a brothel in Brittany an of such When to an Gerhardt that the Corral not a house of prostitution of the 29th don't to on and only that was an to the of the The was as the went on to that the general his staff had the prostitutes medical the In the then, Gerhardt to of the by to military In a to his that Gerhardt not part of the he that his were with they were from he was that they to in to their the of as he called it, was a in a in the that Gerhardt was not in his that to sexual medical of who to of who back to The and his to be by the military male sexual In Gerhardt the male as for his For the he the only one he to the that division been for and that a long was a long time to sex. was that in to of time in turn, military on and were by was were prostitution was brothels were was that his and were not to to it, with he and his to that such was only to be expected a to the sexual of a who was in a was to making in a the of the in U.S. military of venereal on the fact that they were in a in their as a to Life Joe In France was a to from and In his Charles de the many on the to the had the of the had had to be for the and the to The French were about the by and the of As a of and the system of prostitution the the had their own prostitutes under medical to ensure their venereal In the the system as the French to the necessary medical and police was less than Prostitutes the medical by medical the maisons by their were not to medical their was The was best were under and in was to the in for that to the and the of The of the in their best to a and were healthy they became they had been they could not to their medical were of the of which in their about French sexual In a brothels U.S. army military that to the of France in of An A to France, which GIs French their the not to the French and particularly that French the of prostitutes they were not a French and medical in in September 1944, the that a to be had been by the a medical and five the the French for they to In the French were and in a the while the French for medical the of in after with a and to an of the be in to that a who sexual with a to be that all French who in with the GIs were prostitutes only the In that in French be as to the of in the of in to U.S. such had prostitutes as the of back in the The military that the be the in France. was only one from the to the French as a The fact that GIs had with prostitutes than with French from of the of their with After the moved to GIs and French in particularly long of GIs the Army by the few and they to a on the business and of the French than French In American and and military the to to French during as military to General of the French in his after a to Paris in September the prostitutes he had in the of and he with one by with he that to one and one by In the a French for of became in his with his of the French with French and to French as as as had a on American about France as the of American French and the to manage the of the civilian population. The of the became the of a a as the that the to sexual commerce a French to the of American and In prostitution in the of Le about became to the local and the military For the the of prostitution the was not only was the The were on the of in case on sexual from the of the American the of the were the and to the French and Le was to of by the in September 1944, as called it, became the to the and some for GIs were of the The prostitutes of the by including the maisons the prostitutes for to do business, including the of and in the the of less of the by In local a legal to the of Prostitutes by and only to be to the and the of the The was a in Le The trade in was and to and the to were who the and had to the of GIs with French in in of who to be one civilian about the prostitutes their trade in a the American a down the and the of the the police. along the and in the and they who to the Because brothels the GIs had to the to the brothels were not on the after one local on his that nothing to about the of their The he for and A local the for that the and by the their that the GIs had in the one as an the as an As a and the of the The were of the that prostitutes were making on the GIs. to on that the were not their of France in the The were the and the all a wrote of that the were not to of the French such as of the to with great and to with the of a on own they of a and of their and the of the For the French as as the then, sexual was in The of prostitutes Le and the French with a of and about prostitution and had their in the In the French prostitutes in the he these their of prostitutes as who had the to be As the put it, prostitution a for the of for French who by as to the the to their of as a A of these was were to French male in for they their to with the The of the of and As a of and a of the in the French of by their in The as of became to the French after the they were to their with the was not prostitutes who were the of French who with and their to be as a of In a that of all by were not strictly of A who to was a a for the was of the of the the American of prostitutes called were for in with GIs. to the in the the to they as of the of in which was in some way In the many French that the of American was leading a of of the with their their and their was a of of a police As about sexual became the to for in Because the on such a in the French the of became for the French many had to be In Le the to his the by in was a with a as an the police to in the and an on these there were The prostitutes were and with were many of and not police medical to ensure the safety of the the of the had The of the of GIs to In the sex. 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Sexually Transmitted Diseases in the Peopleʼs Republic of China in Y2K

Sexually Transmitted Diseases2000-03-01作者：Myron S. Cohen, Ping Gao, Kim Fox

AS OF 1999, more than 1.2 billion people live in the People's Republic of China, comprising one fifth of the world's population. Accordingly, the health of the Chinese people affects the entire species. In addition, the ancient culture of China and the dramatic actions of the communist government in the last half of the 20th century have proved fascinating to the rest of the world. Cultural and governmental forces have a critical impact on the control of sexually transmitted diseases (STDS).1 Indeed, as the Chinese people must now deal with a resurgence of STDs and a new HIV epidemic, it seems inevitable that unique and important approaches to disease prevention will be developed. We have previously reviewed the history of STDs in China.2 Sexually transmitted diseases were most likely introduced into China by Portuguese traders in port cities in the 1500s, and as in the West, these diseases flourished throughout the country. By 1950, more than 10 million Chinese had venereal diseases, and 6.2 percent of all hospital admissions were attributed to STDs. Ten percent of national minorities, 5% of Chinese city dwellers and 2-3% of Chinese rural residents had syphilis. The majority of sex workers living in urban areas had one or more STDs.2,3 The spread of STDs in China appears to have been driven by poverty, drug abuse, and rampant commercial sex work. Sexually transmitted diseases among Chinese minorities likely resulted from traditional polygamous sexual practices.2 When Mao Zedong came to power, improved health care was among his top priorities.4,5 Sexually transmitted diseases were depicted as a direct result of imperialism and Western influence.2–5 Mao attacked STDs with a massive propaganda campaign typical of his approach to many social problems.2 This campaign included mass screening and appropriate antibiotic therapy. Sex work was eliminated through draconian measures,3 including reeducation camps for sex workers and criminal penalties for their handlers. Most importantly, detection and treatment of STDs were portrayed as patriotic actions. Mao's approach was successful. Studies conducted in 19596 and 19647 documented the virtual eradication of STDs in the People's Republic of China. Western scholars were first allowed to reenter China in the mid to late 1970s. Chinese government and health officials denied the existence of STDs, and we8 and others5 used clinical observation, personal interviews, and both Chinese and Western literature to verify this claim. These methods confirmed the almost total absence of STDS in China at that time. The situation changed rapidly when China opened its doors to the West in the 1980s. Both the Chinese and Western press reported the reemergence of commercial sex work and STDs3; however, objective scholarly reports about the magnitude of the problem with STDs and HIV in China have rarely been detailed-at least in journals readily accessible to Western investigators. In the current issue of Sexually Transmitted Diseases, Chen and colleagues, representing the National Program for Surveillance of STDs, summarize STD incidence and prevalence data collected in 31 Chinese provinces over a 10-year period.9 The investigators report a dramatic increase in STDS during this time. They observed a marked increase in the incidence of syphilis relative to gonorrhea-a pattern similar to that observed in the United States.10,11 The data also reveal a growing problem with STDs in women, with increasing attribution of STD transmission to extramarital sex. The male-to-female case ratio for STDs in China decreased from 2.0 in 1989 to 1.4 in 1998, as calculated by us from the data presented. Decreasing male-to-female case ratios in the United States have been attributed to a decline in STDs in men who have sex with men, and improved detection of STDs in women.12,13 In China, it seems more likely that women are actually experiencing a dramatic increase in STDs.3 This report also emphasizes some epidemiologic features that are unique to China, where STDs are prevalent in people in older age groups than would be observed in Western countries, perhaps because sexual activity in China begins at an older age. The Chinese persist in attributing some STDs to spread through inanimate objects, referred to as “indirect spread,”9 although there is limited biological evidence to support this belief. There are several potential limitations to this study. First, the authors emphasize that many STDs are unreported. Care for STDS is delivered at many places other than public clinics within China,14 and often private sector treatment leads to underreporting. Furthermore, actual STD screening practices in the public or private sector and use of empiric antimicrobial therapy are not addressed in this article, although they undoubtedly have a powerful impact on reported rates of disease. In the past, China watchers have been cautious about the veracity of government-sponsored reports; however, several other sources corroborate the data presented in this article. The results reported by Chen et al are an extension of a Chinese study published in 1998,15 and the overlapping data in the current and previous report are identical. Similar data were also reported in a Chinese communication presented at a meeting of international donor organizations in 1998.16 In addition, a Lexus-Nexus search revealed 32 articles published in the English news media since 1980 that documented the STD and HIV epidemics in the People's Republic of China. Finally, further corroborative data from China were reported at the 10th Meeting of the International Society for STD Research in July of 1999.17 How do we explain the reemergence of STDs in China? Historian Gail Hershatter addresses this problem in her remarkable book, Dangerous Pleasures, which describes the history of commercial sex work in China and its reemergence throughout China in the 1980s.3 According to Hershatter, between 1981 and 1991 more than 580,000 sex workers were detained by the government, and in 1991 alone 104,000 were detained. In discussing the rise of commercial sex work, Hershatter describes social forces that favor the spread of STDs, which include increased cultural focus on personal wealth and consumer goods, unhappy marriages that might favor extramarital affairs, younger age for sexual liaisons, wider availability of pornography, and sexual messages in the mass media. Critical to the prominence of these social forces has been the loosening of government control over population movement. During the Maoist era, before the economic reforms, rural-to-urban migration was prohibited, and urban residents were assigned by the government to work in danwei-work units that controlled housing, food rations and other welfare provisions.8 The reforms of the past 20 years have allowed Chinese people self-employment, free movement, and considerably reduced governmental control. Movement of the rural citizens in particular has resulted in a migrant labor population estimated at more than 100 million people.18 Emphasis on personal wealth, travel, and freedom of movement not possible in the prereform era of strict governmental control unleash social forces important to the spread of STDs, and further reduce the ability of the government to intervene. The reemergence of STDs in China has grave implications. Given China's successful implementation of family-planning policies, which have led to older age at first pregnancy, the reproductive consequences of STDs are likely to be devastating for many families. In addition, STDS can be expected to amplify transmission of HIV.19 Although the first cases of HIV were seen in foreigners visiting China, or returning “Overseas Chinese,” the infection has appeared in intravenous drug users in southern China and most recently in many provinces through sexual contact. It has been estimated that as many as 10,000,000 Chinese will acquire HIV by 2010 in the absence of effective prevention.16,20 Based on its previous public health programs, the Chinese government's response to the STD epidemic has been predictable. A national campaign focused around “The Six Vices” was launched in 19893; the six vices included commercial sex work, pornography, trafficking women and children, using and dealing narcotics, gambling, and profiting from superstition. However, unlike the patriotic public health campaigns that successfully eradicated STDs in the 1950s, this campaign appears to have had little impact on the epidemic. Criminal penalties for commercial sex work were instituted, and some sex workers have been assigned to reeducation camps. There is little evidence, however, that these penalties have had the desired effect. In the 1950s, there was no possibility that the sex workers would go back to their former lifestyle, given the severity of the penalties and extent of government surveillance3; indeed, many women undertook “arranged marriages” during the course of their reeducation. However, this approach is no longer effective. Indeed, some women appear to share useful information while incarcerated and return to commercial sex work when released.3 Unfortunately, it seems unlikely that the tactics used so successfully in the 1950s can be expected to work again. However, China is clearly intent on developing new resources and policies to reduce transmission of HIV and classical STDs. The very publication of accurate data related to the incidence of STDs9,15–17 and HIV16,20 represents a monumental change in approach from the traditional use of propaganda, which downplayed reports of trends that revealed ineffective governmental policies. Such acknowledgement has helped to foster and direct international support for STD and HIV prevention, including extensive support from many international donor agencies and the US National Institutes of Health. These resources are directed at biological and behavioral interventions that have shown great promise in other parts of the world,1 and have focused vaccine development. Inspired by these efforts, the broadest possible response has already been embraced by the Chinese government16; however, given the energy and ingenuity of Chinese scientists, public health and healthcare professionals, and the commitment of the government, novel programs and success are to be expected. Just as we in the West learned important lessons from the remarkable STD control program the Chinese used in the 1950s, it seems likely that we will learn critical lessons from interventions launched in the 21st century.

Sociology and Political Science General Health Professions Physiology

搜索结果：The Journal of venereal disease information

The Price of Discretion: Prostitution, Venereal Disease, and the American Military in France, 1944–1946

Sexually Transmitted Diseases in the Peopleʼs Republic of China in Y2K

History of venereal diseases from antiquity to the renaissance.

Vulnerability to sexually transmitted disease: street children in Accra.

STATISTICS. Cases of venereal disease reported to the Public Health Service by state and territorial health departments, fiscal year 1950 (by disease, stage, and reporting source).

Results of penicillin therapy for neurosyphilis at Bellevue Hospital.

The antigens of the cultured Treponema pallidum (Reiter's strain) and the antispirochetal antibodies in human syphilis.

REPORTED venereal disease cases and rates per 100,000 population, continental United States civilians, fiscal year 1950.

A new approach to venereal disease education at Michigan fairs.

The effect of syphilis on nonwhite longevity as reflected in mortality data, Georgia, 1939-41.

Reinfections following routine metal therapy of early syphilis.

STATISTICS. Cases of syphilis and gonorrhea reported to the Public Health Service, total United States, including territories.

A study of the filter paper microscopic (FPM) test for syphilis. Preliminary report.

Venereal disease contact investigation. A progress report.

The effect of an additional 4 minutes' rotation on reactions to the VDRL slide flocculation test.

Studies on the comparative behavior of various serologic tests for syphilis. J. A report on serologic findings among patients with primary syphilis at beginning of therapy.

Evaluation of antisyphilitic therapy with intensive follow-up. IV. Case holding for post-treatment observation.

Case finding of early syphilis by the public health nurse.

CASES of syphilis and gonorrhea reported to the Public Health Service by State and Territorial Health Departments, fiscal years 1941-51.

Relative effectiveness of penicillin therapy in early and latent syphilis in rabbits.