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Adolescents are increasingly exposed to hate speech in both online and offline contexts, yet limited research has examined how such exposure is experienced and how it relates to adolescents' psychological needs and well-being. Drawing on Self-Determination Theory (SDT), this study explores how adolescents make sense of hate speech and how these experiences affect autonomy, competence, and relatedness in everyday peer and digital environments. Ten focus groups were conducted with 46 Swedish upper secondary school students (girls and boys) aged 16-19 years. Data were analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis within a critical realist framework, allowing for an in-depth exploration of shared patterns of meaning across school-based and online contexts. Four interrelated themes were developed. Omnipresence of hate speech captured adolescents' experiences of hate speech as difficult to avoid and emotionally draining. Ambiguity of hate speech highlighted challenges in distinguishing hate speech from jokes, memes, or peer-based humor, complicating moral evaluation and response. Conformity to hate norms illustrated how social pressures encouraged tolerance of or participation in hostile talk to maintain belonging, often at the expense of autonomy. Finally, online-specific dynamics showed how anonymity and normalization facilitated hostile behavior, discouraged intervention, and undermined adolescents' sense of competence. Adolescents experience hate speech as ambiguous, normalized, and difficult to resist, with clear implications for their autonomy, competence, and relatedness. The findings demonstrate how exposure to hate speech can shift motivation toward controlled regulation or disengagement, highlighting the importance of interventions that strengthen adolescents' psychological needs in both peer and digital contexts.

The COVID-19 pandemic has intensified anti-Asian discrimination and hate incidents, which may exacerbate both psychological distress and material hardship. This study examined the association between pandemic-related hate incidents and food insecurity among Asian Americans and explored whether these relationships differed across subethnic groups. Data were drawn from the 2021-2022 California Health Interview Survey (CHIS). The dependent variable was food insecurity. The independent variable was hate incidents due to COVID-19. Multivariable logistic regression models were used to examine the association between hate incidents and food insecurity. Interaction terms were further included to test whether the association between hate incidents and food insecurity varied across subethnic groups. Among 1,453 Asian American adults, 26.0% experienced food insecurity. Individuals who experienced hate incidents related to COVID-19 had more than three times higher odds of food insecurity compared to those who did not (AOR&#x2009;=&#x2009;3.13, p&#x2009;=&#x2009;0.001). Middle-aged and older adults (ages 35-84) and males were also more likely to experience food insecurity, whereas those reporting good or very good health had lower odds. The association between hate incidents and food insecurity differed across subethnic groups, with significant interactions for South Asian (&#x3b2;&#x2009;=&#x2009;5.75, p&#x2009;<&#x2009;0.001) and multiracial Asian adults (&#x3b2;&#x2009;=&#x2009;2.95, p&#x2009;=&#x2009;0.006). Hate incidents related to COVID-19 were associated with higher odds of food insecurity among Asian American adults, particularly South Asian and multiracial Asian groups. These findings illustrate how racialized violence and economic hardship intersect, underscoring the need for culturally responsive interventions addressing both discrimination and food insecurity across Asian American subgroups.

Although adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) have been recognized as a crucial risk factor for suicide, how self-hate and anhedonia mediate this relationship remains understudied. This gap is particularly pronounced among adolescent patients with major depressive disorder (MDD), where clarifying these connections is pivotal for developing effective suicide prevention and intervention strategies. This study included 159 adolescent inpatients diagnosed with MDD. Diagnoses of MDD and suicide risk were assessed using the Mini-International Neuropsychiatric Interview (MINI). ACEs were measured with the adverse childhood experiences international questionnaire (ACE-IQ), while self-hate and anhedonia were evaluated using the self-hate scale (SHS) and the anhedonia scale for adolescents (ASA), respectively. Temperament characteristics were assessed with the revised early adolescent temperament questionnaire (EATQ-R). Mediation and moderation analyses were performed using the PROCESS macro in SPSS. ACEs were positively associated with suicide risk, a relationship that was serially mediated by self-hate and anhedonia. Regarding moderating effects, social support acted as a protective factor against ACEs-related self-hate. Temperamental surgency moderated the relationships between ACEs and both self-hate and suicide risk. Furthermore, temperamental effortful control buffered the link between ACEs and both self-hate and anhedonia, as well as the association between self-hate and suicide risk. The sequential mediation model elucidates the potential pathways linking early-life traumas to adolescent mental health outcomes. It also offers important evidence-based support for suicide prevention among depressed adolescents with diverse temperaments.

Although the visibility of trans and non-binary (TNB) individuals has increased in recent years, gender identity-based discrimination remains a significant social issue. However, there is an important gap in the research examining the mechanisms involved in TNB aggression. This study longitudinally analyzed the relationship between exposure to hate speech across different contexts and bystander intentions and aggression toward TNB individuals. Additionally, gender invariance was tested. A total of 755 adolescents aged 14 to 18&#x2009;years (Mage&#x2009;=&#x2009;16.28; SD&#x2009;=&#x2009;0.88; 50.8% identified as girls, 48.7% as boys, and 0.3% as non-binary) completed measures assessing exposure to hate speech in several contexts, behavioral intentions when witnessing aggression, and TNB aggression at baseline. Behavioral intentions and aggression were assessed again three months later. Cross-sectional results indicated that hate speech in all contexts was associated with higher levels of aggression, with small to moderate effects. Longitudinal analyses showed that only hate speech among friends predicted aggression, with small effects. Regarding bystander intentions, none of the hate speech contexts were associated with bystander intentions either cross-sectionally or longitudinally, except for hate speech among friends, which predicted higher helping intentions with small effects. Furthermore, a bidirectional relationship was observed between bystander intentions and aggressive behaviors with small to moderate effects. Finally, the model was invariant across gender. Overall, these findings highlight the need to address adolescents' exposure to hate speech and to develop preventive strategies to reduce violence against TNB individuals, focusing on the bystander's role to promote safer and more inclusive adolescent environments.

Brand hate has emerged as a high-arousal negative emotion that underlies a range of hostile consumer responses, yet empirical evidence remains fragmented regarding how appraisal-based evaluations, hostile affect, and resistance behaviors are jointly related, particularly outside Western contexts. Addressing this gap, the present study examines the associative structure linking negative past experience, ideological incompatibility, and rumor exposure with brand hate, and explores how brand hate is related to negative word-of-mouth (NeWOM) intensity and consumer resistance behaviors in the fast-food context in Vietnam. Drawing conceptually on Expectation-Confirmation Theory and Equity Theory as appraisal-based frameworks, the study adopts a quantitative, cross-sectional survey design. Data were collected from 340 self-identified brand-hating fast-food consumers in an urban Vietnamese setting and analyzed using structural equation modeling. The results indicate that negative past experience, ideological incompatibility, and rumor exposure are all positively associated with brand hate, with ideological incompatibility exhibiting the strongest association. Brand hate, in turn, shows a strong positive association with NeWOM intensity, which is further associated with both consumer boycott and consumer-brand sabotage intentions. By situating brand hate within a broader pattern of socially mediated resistance behaviors, the findings highlight NeWOM intensity as an intermediate regulatory mechanism linking hostile affect with punitive consumer responses. Rather than advancing causal or escalation-based claims, this study provides context-sensitive empirical evidence that extends established brand hate frameworks to an emerging market service context. The results contribute to a more nuanced psychological understanding of consumer retaliation by clarifying how hostile emotions are embedded in communicative and symbolic forms of resistance rather than direct confrontation.

Despite the growing prevalence of hate crimes in the United States, little is known about whether and how state-level institutional and cultural climates surrounding bias-motivated violence pattern health and health disparities. This study conceptualizes state-level hate crime rates as composite indicators of these climates-reflecting the underlying incidence, institutional recognition and reporting, and political-cultural context-and examines their association with individuals' mental and physical health. Linking FBI Hate Crime Reporting Program data with individual-level data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (2011-2023) (n&#x202f;=&#x202f;3,827,446), we first document substantial variation in hate crime rates across states and over time. Using two-way fixed effects models, we find that higher state-level hate crime rates are associated with more days of poor mental and, to a lesser extent, physical health, with associations concentrated among Black respondents and little evidence of associations among White or Hispanic respondents. By contrast, state-level violent crime rates show weak, racially undifferentiated associations with health, underscoring that state hate crime climates likely operate through distinct pathways from general crime rates to shape health risks. Taken together, findings are consistent with the notion that state-level hate crime rates capture a meaningful dimension of institutional and cultural context relevant to population health, with especially concerning implications for the health of historically marginalized populations, particularly Black Americans.

This study aims to explore the impact of psychological ownership on brand hate in the context of the Vietnamese automotive market. Using a scenario-based survey study and PLS-SEM methodology, the study assesses the influence of psychological ownership on brand hate when consumers face product and service defects. Simultaneously, the study examines the differences in emotional responses among consumers with various levels of psychological ownership. Analysis of data collected from 631 Vietnamese car consumers through purposive sampling strategy shows that psychological ownership has a positive and statistically significant impact on brand hate; the higher level of psychological ownership leads to the stronger brand hate reaction when the defects occur. This result confirms the role of psychological ownership as an important antecedent but it is often neglected in brand hate research. The study's findings contribute to a broader understanding of the factors leading to brand hate, while also providing important insights for businesses in sustainable brand management, indicating that fostering consumer psychological ownership without appropriate risk control mechanisms can make brands more vulnerable, especially for high-value, high-involvement assets such as automobiles in the Vietnamese context.

Despite the growing concern over hate crimes nationwide, our understanding of such crimes within educational settings remains limited. The current study aims to address this gap by examining potential risk and protective factors associated with hate-related victimization in schools. Utilizing data from the 2022 NCVS-SCS, we analyzed how various individual and school-related characteristics are associated with the likelihood of hate-related victimization. Findings indicate that being female, having a disability, and belonging to a marginalized racial or ethnic group face a heightened risk of experiencing hate-related victimization. Regarding school-related factors, the presence of misbehaving classmates and drugs in schools increases the risk of hate-related victimization, whereas metal detectors, perceived fairness of school rules, and respectful treatment by teachers reduce the risk. Findings, implications, and future directions are discussed.

Digital hate poses a threat to citizens, communities, and societies. Despite numerous studies and reviews on the concept of digital hate, we lack a systematic view of the entire body of scholarship. The aim of this umbrella review is therefore to evaluate the scope, definitions, main findings, and identified gaps of digital hate research. An umbrella review allows one to examine, compare, and evaluate the state of the research across all available reviews in order to point to larger, overarching patterns, shortcomings, and contradictions. We analyzed N&#x2009;=&#x2009;206 narrative, systematic, and meta-analytical reviews. Findings suggest a lack of conceptual clarity, a need to study platform and age differences as well as a need to study digital hate across actors. Also, the analyzed reviews consistently call for experimental, longitudinal, and non-Western, cross-country research. We call for a coordinated cross-disciplinary effort to restructure and harmonize digital hate research.

Adolescent emotional issues have gained increasing global attention. The connection between Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) and emotional issues in adolescents is well-established. However, the specific psychological pathways that explain this link are not yet fully understood. Our study aims to clarify the link between ACEs and depressive/anxious symptoms in a large Chinese adolescent cohort. We conducted a cross-sectional analysis with 7,158 students from Shandong Province, China, using a stratified cluster sampling method. Participants completed a series of self-report scales: the Adverse Childhood Experiences Scale (ACE-R), the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS-10), the Self-hate Scale (SHS), and the Patient Health Questionnaire-4 (PHQ-4). To test our chain mediation hypothesis, we used correlation analyses and a bootstrap approach. Female adolescents and those with poorer academic performance had higher scores on childhood adverse experiences, perceived stress, self-hate, and emotional symptoms (p&#x202f;<&#x202f;0.05). High school students scored higher than middle school students in terms of childhood adverse experiences and self-hate (p&#x202f;<&#x202f;0.05). Only children had higher scores on childhood adverse experiences compared to non-only children (p&#x202f;<&#x202f;0.05). Perceived stress and self-hate serve as chain mediators in the relationship between childhood adverse experiences and depressive-anxiety symptoms in adolescents. This study expands the research on the relationship between adverse childhood experiences and depressive and anxious emotions in adolescence, providing new insights for reducing the negative impacts of depressive and anxious emotions in adolescents and promoting their mental health.

Reports of anti-Asian hate incidents (AAHIs) increased during the COVID-19 pandemic, yet their mental health consequences and the contextual factors shaping them remain insufficiently understood. Guided by Ecological Systems Theory, this study examines whether changes in AAHI exposure are associated with anxiety and depression symptoms and whether this association varies across ecological contexts. We merged respondent-level data from the Understanding America Study COVID-19 panel (waves 3-34; March 2020-July 2021) with FBI hate-crime records. The analytic sample included 6,552 adults contributing 152,276 person-wave observations. Individual fixed-effects models were estimated to isolate within-person changes in mental health associated with changes in hate incidents occurring in the prior survey wave. Models adjusted for time trends and used multi-way clustered standard errors by respondent, county of residence, and survey wave. Moderators captured microsystem (e.g., victim-respondent gender match), mesosystem (e.g., county COVID-19 deaths), exosystem (e.g., incident characteristics), and macrosystem (e.g., county political affiliation). Increases in AAHIs were associated with statistically significant but modest increases in anxiety and depression symptoms. A one-unit increase in lagged AAHI exposure corresponded to a 0.06-point increase in PHQ-4 scores (0-12 scale), indicating a small effect size relative to within-person variation in mental health. Associations varied modestly by incident characteristics, particularly shared victim-respondent gender and physical injury, while COVID-19 mortality and partisan composition showed limited moderation. Targeted, trauma-informed interventions may help mitigate the mental health burden of hate exposure during periods of social instability.

With over 4 billion people using social media platforms daily, decisions about what content to allow or moderate have profound implications for global public discourse, democratic deliberation, and users' psychological well-being. This study examines cross-national variation in content moderation preferences by exposing participants in 10 countries to a standardized example of hate speech: a hateful post modeled on text that X (formerly Twitter) had cited in its content moderation guidelines. Across contexts, exposure to such content triggers widespread support for intervention, with minimal differences based on the experimentally varied identity of the target. However, significant variation emerges across countries. The United States stands out for its comparatively lower support for moderation of hate speech, while countries like France, Brazil, and South Africa exhibit much stronger demand. Within most countries, political ideology predicts support: individuals on the right are less likely to endorse removal or suspension than those on the left. Crucially, values around freedom of speech versus harm prevention consistently shape preferences across all contexts. Those who prioritize prevention from harm are markedly more likely to support hard forms of moderation (e.g., account suspension and content take-downs). These findings highlight that moderation preferences are shaped less by the specific target than by individuals' deeper commitments regarding free expression and harm prevention.

The proliferation of hate speech on social media poses a significant challenge to maintaining safe and inclusive online environments, necessitating accurate and scalable automated detection systems. However, the performance of transformer-based models for hate speech detection is highly sensitive to hyperparameter configurations, making manual and conventional tuning strategies inefficient in high-dimensional search spaces.To address this challenge, this study proposes a hybrid optimization framework that integrates the DeBERTaV3 transformer model with the Grey Wolf Optimizer (GWO) for automated hyperparameter tuning. The proposed approach enables efficient exploration of complex hyperparameter spaces by balancing global search and local refinement. The framework optimizes eight critical hyperparameters, including learning rate, weight decay, and dropout rates, to enhance convergence stability and generalization performance. The proposed method is evaluated on the Davidson et al. (2017) dataset, consisting of 24,783 labeled tweets. Experimental results demonstrate that the GWO-DeBERTaV3 model achieves a peak accuracy of 97.72% and a macro F1-score of 97.71%, with statistically significant improvements over baseline and conventional tuning approaches.These findings highlight the effectiveness of metaheuristic-based optimization for transformer fine-tuning and demonstrate its potential for improving robustness and performance in real-world hate speech detection systems.

Online hate speech (OHS) refers to discriminatory or offensive content shared via digital platforms that targets social groups. Synthesizing evidence on OHS directed at sexual and gender minorities (SGMs) is crucial, given the disproportionate online discrimination experienced by SGM people and its implications for well-being and social norms. This PRISMA-based systematic review synthesized quantitative studies in which the target of OHS content was SGM people, regardless of whether participants were SGM or non-SGM. We addressed four questions: (a) OHS definitions and operationalizations; (b) prevalence and risk factors of OHS; (c) psychological, behavioral, and social outcomes of exposure; and (d) behavioral responses to OHS exposure. Searches of 5 databases identified 13 studies. Definitions varied but generally captured identity-based targeting and hostile content in public or semi-public digital spaces. Prevalence varied by sampling frame: SGM-only studies reported high exposure (often&#x2009;>&#x2009;85%), whereas general-population studies reported lower prevalence but higher exposure among SGM respondents. Risk factors were identity visibility/engagement, online behaviors, and lower digital media literacy; perpetration evidence was scarce. Exposure was associated with poorer SGM well-being (e.g., depression/anxiety, substance use, concealment, identity threat) and, experimentally, with lower perceived social cohesion and mixed effects on social attitudes. Witnesses generally condemned anti-SGM OHS; tolerance was higher among users with more negative pre-existing attitudes. Perceiving OHS as uncivil or harmful predicted stronger intervention intentions, while counter-speech effects were modest, reducing identity threat mainly under milder OHS. Findings highlight the need for harmonized measures, longitudinal/intersectional designs, and interventions pairing platform moderation with bystander-focused prevention efforts.

Students who experience campus sexual misconduct often report feeling that their university did not take adequate actions to protect them from harm or to support them after harm occurred. Recent research has indicated such feelings of "institutional betrayal" do not necessarily need to be based on one's personal experiences; rather, students may feel a sense of secondary institutional betrayal based on their observations of the ways third-parties were treated following an incident of sexual misconduct. We conducted interviews with 24 faculty/staff members and focus groups with 43 students at a large public university in the southeastern United States, asking participants about their perceptions of "institutional responses to sexual misconduct." Using a grounded theory analysis, we identified the following codes relevant to institutional betrayal: (1) Campus norms of solidarity, (2) Marginalization of identities at a predominantly white institution, (3) Prioritization of institution's public reputation over student support, and (4) Stifled potential of student initiatives. Participants frequently mentioned observations that may be classified as secondary institutional betrayal, but these observations were not limited to sexual misconduct. They also discussed their institution's (in)action in response to anti-LGBTQ+ hate, racism, and hazing as a reason that they believed their institution would not help them if they experienced sexual misconduct. Thus, we propose that perceptions of campus administrators' inadequate responses to an array of harms intersect to build a campus climate of institutional betrayal that inhibits students from seeking and receiving the support they need.

Pleasant facial expressions, like happiness, are recognised faster than negative expressions such as anger or fear. The size of this happy face advantage depends on facial social category cues (larger for female, young or ethnic ingroup faces), facial attractiveness (larger for attractive faces), and person knowledge (larger for persons believed to be of good character). These findings are best explained by the evaluative congruence account, which holds that positive expressions are recognised faster when shown by relatively more positively evaluated posers. Experiment 1 showed that happiness is recognised faster than anger for posers who made positive statements about the participant or another person, but not for posers who made negative statements. Experiments 2-3 assessed whether these findings were due to evaluative conditioning (EC), which can shift poser evaluations by pairing poser images with positive or negative pictures or words. Although Experiments 2 and 3 successfully altered poser evaluations, there was no effect on expression recognition. These findings are not consistent with the evaluative congruence account and suggest that different types of knowledge about a person (what someone did, said or likes/hates), which all alter poser evaluation, differ in their effect on socially relevant processes such as expression perception.

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This article introduces a mixed-method framework for analyzing online gender-based violence. It combines automated analysis with qualitative investigation of periods of intensified hostility, providing a deeper understanding of the triggers, dynamics, and broader context of hostile communication. The framework is demonstrated through an analysis of content published in 17 Czech Facebook antiestablishment groups, drawing on a dataset of 1.94 million comments and 154 thousand posts. The empirical findings provide further evidence that female politicians are disproportionately targeted by gender-based and violent attacks, which are more frequently perpetrated by male users. The findings also highlight the role of disinformation and media amplification in initiating these attacks.