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Football policing in England and Wales is a key area of activity for the police service, with a reported 48 m being spent each season on policing football.There is a reported increase in football-related disorder following the Covid-19 pandemic, and debates in the football policing community about the requirement for increased resource levels being deployed to football.Using qualitative semi-structured interviews, this research captures voices from Dedicated Football Officers (DFOs); football club representatives; and other key stakeholders for policing football in England and Wales.The research shows multiple examples of ineffective and inefficient police resourcing at football matches.Despite calls for more liaison-based policing, there is an apparent emphasis on utilisation of public order units, which comes at great cost for the taxpayer, as well as football clubs.Here, it is argued that a focus on more specialised resources for policing football will lead to better outcomes in terms of preventing crime and improving relations with football supporter communities.

This photo essay is about the process of creating a digital archive dedicated to Pretty Porky and Pissed Off, a Toronto-based fat activist and performance art collective active in the late 1990s and early 2000s. As a leading member of the collective and the project’s principal investigator (Allyson Mitchell) and the project’s researcher archivist (Allison Taylor) we explore the affective potential of the visual archival fat representations produced through Pretty Porky and Pissed Off’s artistic practice. We first provide an overview of the Pretty Porky and Pissed Off archive project. Second, we contextualize our photo essay within queer and fat studies scholarship on affect, archives, and the visual. Third, we present a set of stills from archival video footage of a Pretty Porky and Pissed Off clothing swap in Allyson Mitchell’s art studio. Using these stills, we consider the affectively rich nature of visual archival representations of fatness. We suggest that feelings are a central component of visual archival fat representations; feelings offer important insights about the potential of visual artistic and archival practices to represent, embody, and imagine fatness otherwise.

This paper will discursively examine the complex power structures involved in the university setting, as exposed by a student’s verbalised objection to a tutor’s racist humour which targeted Asian international students. By speaking out, this student then became the target of censure from another student who defended the tutor’s use of humour. Such an incident illustrates the dilemmas presented by the (inappropriate) uses of humour in the educational setting, in the context of increasingly literate and confident challenges to such uses/abuses of humour. Using various Discourse Analysis approaches, including Face Theory, this paper will demonstrate how this instance of failed humour invoked many competing social aspects of power, collisions of literacy, hidden institutional assumptions, and emerging notions of how humour can be identified and resisted.

This article uses collaborative auto/ethnography to explore the circulation and potentiality of affect in the live performances and archive of Pretty Porky and Pissed Off (PPPOd), a Toronto-based queer fat activist performance art collective active during the late 1990s and mid-2000s. Drawing on video and audio recordings of five PPPOd performances alongside other performance ephemera and a series of conversations relating to these archival objects among the article’s three authors, we identify and theorize our affective responses to and situated recollections of these performances, both in their current form as archival objects and as historical live events. We argue that PPPOd’s archival objects/live performances disrupt the constellation of affects that constitute fat hate (e.g., fear, loathing, shame) and set in motion more affirmative affects (e.g., playfulness, pride, desire, love) that contribute to micro-worldings and prefigurative fat politics, as ephemeral as these might be. In capturing these fleeting moments of radical possibility, PPPOd’s activism and archive offer opportunities for touching and feeling a future where fat lives are more livable.

In 2019, the nationalist and populist Finns Party defied expectations and became the second-largest party in the Finnish Parliament. A significant component of the successful campaign was a video titled “V niin kuin ketutus” (“V for Being Pissed Off”). Its violence and the depiction of immigrants as sexual predators caused controversy and attracted nearly half a million views. From the perspective of comics studies, the narrative short film is interesting because of its intermedial relations with comics. The film depicts a dystopian Finland governed by corrupt politicians and subjected to high levels of immigration; however, this dystopia is situated inside the story world of a comic book in the film. Furthermore, the film extensively appropriates V for Vendetta, a comics work by Alan Moore and David Lloyd (1982–1985, 1988–1989), and its film adaptation by James McTeigue and the Wachowskis (2005). The chapter discusses the ways in which the narrative strategies and aesthetics of these works are appropriated and the politics subverted to support an anti-egalitarian and anti-immigrant agenda and manufacture exploitable political controversy in the contemporary media landscape.

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Persistent gender stereotypes portray women as pleasant and polite, but in the wake of the #MeToo movement and polarized politics, female candidates are turning to Twitter and they aren’t hiding their frustration. Congressional candidates use Twitter to connect with voters, but political stalemates over health care, reproductive rights, and pay equity are the fodder for female candidates’ emotionally charged rhetoric on Twitter. Women are running and winning at rates comparable to men, but female candidates are relying on emotional appeals in distinct ways from their male counterparts. We use a dataset of tweets by candidates for the U.S. House from 2016–2020 to evaluate gender-based differences in the emotional appeals candidates make on Twitter. We find that women running for office adopt a unique style of angry emotional appeals on Twitter, as female candidates defy stereotypes by incorporating more angry rhetoric in their tweets. These differences persist after accounting for differences in party, electoral success, district competitiveness, and other potential confounds. Our research demonstrates that women seeking congressional office act differently than men in their self-presentation online, and offers insight into how anger has become central to online messaging.

The risk factor, stress engagement, and coping experiences of African American youth are not well understood. Given the stressors of racism, hopeless perceptions of urban youth, and violence experience and exposure, anger experience and expression are reasonable resilient and risky reactions to this atmosphere of hostility. This study analyzed the impact upon the anger management of adolescents when calamity fears, neighborhood social capital, and kinship social support are known. The findings suggest that when the calamity fears of youth are high, their anger experience and expression is minimized. This finding was prominent for adolescents living in high-risk neighborhoods. Kinship social support showed a positive relationship to anger suppression for youth in high-risk environments. Implications for understanding the phenomenological stress and coping experiences of African American youth are discussed.

In this study, we explore how ethnic minority Muslim girls in Norway manage social control as an everyday experience within a political context where minority communities are portrayed as performing excessive control. Theoretically, our analysis draws on perspectives on social control, interactionist perspectives on identity, and Hage’s (2010. “The Affective Politics of Racial Mis-interpellation.” Theory, Culture & Society 27 (7-8): 112–129. doi:10.1177/0263276410383713) concept of vacillation. Based on interviews with 17 girls self-identifying as Muslim, we identify two strategic positions from which the girls manage and respond to social control. From what we label a pragmatic position, they oppose categorisation as victims as well as certain gendered norms in minority as well as majority contexts. From what we label a pious position, the girls employ religious norms as a rationale when they define themselves as moral subjects rising above social control. We also find that negotiating contradictory norms and expectations may be perceived as double-bind situations (Bateson, G. 2000 [1972]. Steps to an Ecology of Mind: Collected Essays in Anthropology, Psychiatry, Evolution, and Epistemology. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press), leaving the girls in an affective state that we label ‘pissed off’. Our analysis contributes to the literature by connecting the concept of vacillation to youth’s identity work in a minority position, and more specifically to the strategic positionings Muslim girls speak from as they manage social control.

o m w w w .as h g a te .co m w w w .as h g a te .co m w w w .as h g a te .co m 'just get pissed and enjoy yourself; you only live once!' How could i refuse; it is perhaps difficult to explain unless you are in the presence of other dancers in a lap-dancing club environment.davina was always having fun at work, laughing with the girls, chatting to the customers and getting drunk.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to review the contributions of the special issue papers while presenting four broad research avenues. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on a review of current literature on climate change and carbon accounting. Findings The authors propose four broad avenues for research: climate change as a systemic and social issue, the multi-layered transition apparatus for climate change, climate vulnerability and the future of carbon accounting. Practical implications The authors connect this study with the requested institutional changes for climate breakdown, making the paper relevant for practice and policy. The authors notably point to education and professions as institutions that will request bold and urgent makeovers. Social implications The authors urge academics to reconsider climate change as a social issue, requiring to use new theoretical lenses such as emotions, eco-feminism, material politics and “dispositifs” to tackle this grand challenge. Originality/value This paper switches the authors’ viewpoint on carbon accounting to look at it from a more systemic and social lens.

Pissed off noisy hardcore punk rockers from PISSED JEANS have premiered a new tune off of their upcoming Sub Pop full length Why Love Now, slated for a ...

This chapter takes readers to the very pinnacle of global power where nation-states, military establishments and commercial interests come together at international arms fairs. At those venues arms traders and weapons-manufacturers address their legitimacy-deficit. Their strategies are stabilised by reinscribing the heterosexual certainties of the gender-order hierarchy of masculinity over femininity. Gender-sensitive ethnography, informed by performativity, explicates this in detail, with particular attention to the role of women. In turn weapons-company promotional videos do this similarly with the race-class order to stabilise themselves politically. This conjuncture is dominated by American ‘defence’ spending and thus by ‘western-liberal’ norms. Legitimation then works against any idea of hypocrisy and subterfuge.

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This exploratory study was designed to examine the beliefs of youth users of alcohol and marijuana about the connections between their substance use and dating violence perpetration. Eighteen youth (ages 14-20 years old), who were primarily of Black or Hispanic race/ethnicity, participated in in-depth interviews about times when they had perpetrated dating violence. They were asked to reflect on whether and how they felt that alcohol and/or marijuana may have contributed. Responses coalesced around four major themes, which were that users believed that (a) Alcohol escalates minor conflict; (b) Alcohol exacerbates feelings of irritation and anger; (c) Marijuana reduces feelings of irritation and anger; and (d) Substances are used to cope with conflict-related stress. We conclude that momentary event-level research that investigates the immediate influence of alcohol and marijuana use on dating violence perpetration is needed and that dating violence prevention interventions should consider addressing substance use and substance-aggression expectancies.

A growing number of young women and queer and transgender youth from around the world are finding an empowering outlet for artistic expression and social and political criticism in the medium of zines. In the United States, Great Britain and, to a lesser degree, Australia, both academic analyses and popular readers of grrrl zines have played an important role in raising awareness about the subject. Little attention, however, has been paid to international zines and the communication network that has evolved around them. In this paper I argue for an international approach to zine and girls' studies. My main point is that grrrl zines are read, published and exchanged in many countries around the world. They are part of an international communication network because zinesters from various countries interact with each other on-line and face-to-face, and exchange and distribute zines across national borders. Drawing from an extensive review of literature on grrrl zines, and on observations and information gathered from my online archive Grrrl Zine Network (1) (a comprehensive listing of worldwide, multi-lingual, feminist-oriented zines, distros--distribution providers, and projects, as well as interviews with zine editors), this study focuses on the producers and the processes of international grrrl zine making and distributing, and elaborates three main questions: What does this international grrrl zine network look like? What does feminist zine reading, making and distributing mean to young women and queer and transgender youth? And what is the personal and political potential of international grrrl zines? Grrrl zines Mainstream media fail to provide a venue for many people--women foremost among them, particularly women of colour, working-class women and queer youth, who find themselves excluded or grossly misrepresented. In response, some have taken the tools of cultural production into their hands and created their own symbols, cultural codes, and images of (self-) representation. In zines--'noncommercial, nonprofessional, small-circulation magazines which their creators produce, publish, and distribute by themselves' (2)--a growing number of young women and queer and transgender youth from around the world are finding an empowering outlet for expressing experiences, thoughts, anger, and pain that result from growing up and living in patriarchal, homophobic, and racist societies. As such, zines reflect the unfiltered and resistant personal and political voices of youth. Grrrl zines, zines made by and for female, queer and transgender youth with feminist viewpoints, offer not only a forum where women's and queer voices can be expressed and heard but also a zone of freedom from societal pressures and symbolic control. When in 1991 the riot grrrl movement emerged out of the alternative and punk music scene in the United States, (3) thousands of young women began to produce zines with explicitly feminist themes. Nowadays, some 'grrrls' who grew out of the riot grrrl movement have chosen to reclaim and call themselves 'ladies.' They produce 'lady' zines and organize 'Ladyfests.' (4) Instead of using the 'politically correct' word 'woman,' 'lady' (like 'gift') becomes removed from its old-fashioned, traditional connotation, and takes on ambiguous meaning. In recent years, an increasing number of zines have appeared expressing the unique personal experiences of queer and transgendered people and voicing criticism of the women's movement for heretofore excluding their perspectives. At around the same time, the feminist zine network expanded enormously into the realm of e-zines which became known as 'gURL's.' Topically, grrrl zines cover just about anything that concerns women in their daily lives. Some may commit themselves politically; others may primarily tell personal stories, following the slogan of the women's movement in the 1970s: 'The personal is political.' They can vary widely in their design, from low-budget photocopied collages to slick magazines, and in their content, from sharing intimate personal experiences to political activism. …

This article explores affect, colonial privilege, and the cultural politics of national commemoration in Aotearoa New Zealand. Based on focus‐group interviews around two major national days, we examine means through which feelings and emotions are deployed in ways that enable the reproduction of social advantage. Situating affect within patterns of relationship, four interrelated affective‐discursive practices are explored. In relation to Waitangi Day, agents tend to work under the rubric of anger and confusion. For Anzac Day, being grateful and moved shapes the interaction, although participants often indicate preferences towards “having a day off.” Given the colonial context in which these practices circulate, analysis observes the associated freedom and ease by which affective‐discursive privilege is (re)produced. Often incongruent and rarely challenged, privilege allows associated actors to do what they want, when they want, however they want. This affective climate authorizes the ongoing reproduction of, and justification for, membership to a higher‐status ethnic group of which unearned opportunities and entitlements remain its everyday, expected currency.

Voiding from Nowhere:Abject Materiality in David Hammons's Pissed off Sampada Aranke (bio) I like being from nowhere; it's a beautiful place. That means I can look at anyone who's from somewhere and see how really caught they are. —David Hammons 1 In a September 2004 Artforum essay, artist Glenn Ligon lingers on this David Hammons quote in which the famed artist offers up a poetic embrace of nowhere as a location of freedom. For Ligon, Hammons's insistence on being from nowhere is a move "toward placeless-ness" and a "deep critique of American society." 2 Ligon's translation of Hammons's "being from nowhere" into "placeless-ness" is one of particular note, in light of this dossier on Afro-pessimist Aesthetics. For it is not placelessness that Hammons describes but instead an insistence that nowhere is a place—in fact, a beautiful one. Ligon's analysis of this Hammons quote opens up a subtle yet imperative dissonance between placelessness and no-place. Building from Ligon, I offer up a provocation: What might it mean to take seriously the grounds of nowhere? The theoretical contributions gathered under the umbrella of Afro-pessimism have allowed me to think about the rhetorical potential of nowhere, nothing, or nothingness, specifically in relation to questions of aesthetic and embodied practice. Afro-pessimist theory offers up a potentially nonrecuperable understanding of aesthetic possibility, one that strives to push us to the limits of the demand to generate a repair while also opening up a radical rethinking of the conditions for reparation. This is best evidenced in a theory of the Black body that is located within a "position of the unthought," a phrase taken from a 2003 interview between Saidiya Hartman and Frank Wilderson. 3 From this position, there is an attempt to force narrative cohesion, presenting the Black subject as at once "the foundation of the national order" and occupying the position of the unthought. 4 This impossible position forces Black people to endure the ongoing structural violences that form the nation while at once demanding they affirm this very nation. 5 The call for reparations, according to Hartman, is made from an "impossible position, because reparations are not going to solve the systemic ongoing production of racial inequality, in material or any other terms." 6 I believe that this call is a start, however, from an impossible position, a [End Page 245] position from nowhere that makes some kind of generative impossible demand. The "position of the unthought" opens up a rethinking of Black embodiment that moves us away from the primacy of the readily visible, into a potentially worldly arena of negation. As Wilderson argues, "I'm not saying that in this space of negation, which is blackness, there is no life. We have tremendous life. But this life is not analogous to those touchstones of cohesion that hold civil society together." 7 Building from a notion of the life within the space of negation which is blackness, I turn to how nowhere is the critical position from which a particular critique is made possible. Being from nowhere, in other words, deforms the very premise of aesthetic practice—it is an act of bodily generation that is not one, a modality of critical practice that misdirects us into the space of the void. In this spirit, I return over and over again to a question that Hartman asks: "So what does it mean to try to bring that position into view without making it a locus of positive value, or without trying to fill in the void?" 8 This might be why I read Hammons's nowhere as a place that is unlocatable, nondefined, neither here nor there. It would serve us to excavate the possible roots or routes of this unlocatable nonplace, an origin that begins for Black people in the US in the Middle Passage. Édouard Glissant has described the Middle Passage as an "abyss," while Hortense Spillers notes how "these captive persons, without names that their captors would recognize, were in movement across the Atlantic, but they were also nowhere at all." 9 These descriptors shape what I take up in this essay as "the...