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Should we do away with HR? In recent years, a number of people who study and write about business--along with many who run businesses--have been debating that question. The debate arises out of serious and widespread doubts about HR's contribution to organizational performance. Dave Ulrich acknowledges that HR, as it is configured today in many companies, is indeed ineffective, incompetent, and costly. But he contends that it has never been more necessary. The solution, he believes, is to create an entirely new role for the field that focuses it not on traditional HR activities, such as staffing and compensation, but on business results that enrich the company's value to customers, investors, and employees. Ulrich elaborates on four broad tasks for HR that would allow it to help deliver organizational excellence. First, HR should become a partner in strategy execution. Second, it should become an expert in the way work is organized and executed. Third, it should become a champion for employees. And fourth, it should become an agent of continual change. Fulfilling this agenda would mean that every one of HR's activities would in some concrete way help a company better serve its customers or otherwise increase shareholder value. Can HR transform itself on its own? Certainly not--in fact, the primary responsibility for transforming the role of HR, Ulrich says, belongs to the CEO and to every line manager who works with the HR staff. Competitive success is a function of organizational excellence, and senior managers must hold HR accountable for delivering it.

Privacy advocates and domestic violence groups say ID mandate is a big mistake

... not simply a mandate for a change but a mandate for peace and freedom; a mandate for prosperity; a mandate for opportunity for all Americans regardless of race, sex, or creed; a mandate for leadership that is both strong and compassionate . .. a mandate to make government the servant of the people in the way our founding fathers intended; a mandate for hope; a mandate for hope for the fulfillment of the great dream that President-elect Reagan has worked for all his life.1

PART 1: THE MANDATE PROCESS 1. Choosing Governments or Identifying Preferences? The Role of Elections in Democracy 2. Mandate Theories: Government and Median 3. Communicating Preferences: The Public Policy Space 4. Research Questions for Comparative Investigation PART 2: THE ELECTORAL PROCESS 5. Choices Parties Offer 6. Mandates Without Obvious Majorities 7. Representing the Meidan Voter PART 3: THE GOVERNING PROCESS 8. Who Controls Short-Term Policy Making? 9. From Declared to Actual Policy: Short-Term Influences on Government Policies PART 4: THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS 10. Long Term Policy Regimes: Incrementalism Put in Context 11. Fluctuating Political Forces 12. Politics and Policy Regimes: Setting a Long Term Equilibrium 13. Unifying Theories of Democracy Through the Median Mandate

Preface ix Part I - The Ubiquity of Mandated Disclosure 1 Chapter 1 Introduction 3 Chapter 2 Complex Decisions, Complex Disclosures 14 Chapter 3 The Failure of Mandated Disclosure 33 Part I - Why Disclosures Fail 55 Chapter 4 Whatever: The Psychology of Mandated Disclosure 59 Chapter 5 Reading Disclosures 79 Chapter 6 The Quantity Question 94 Chapter 7 From Disclosure to Decision 107 Part III - Can Mandated Disclosure Be Saved? 119 Chapter 8 Make It Simple? 121 Chapter 9 The Politics of Disclosure 138 Chapter 10 Producing Disclosures 151 Chapter 11 At Worst, Harmless? 169 Chapter 12 Conclusion: Beyond Disclosurism 183 Notes 197 Index 225

After abating somewhat in the early 1980s, state involvement in local planning has regained momentum. States are increasingly adopting new or strengthening existing growth management programs that mandate local governments to prepare and adopt comprehensive plans. This study examines the influence of state mandates on the content and quality of comprehensive plans from 139 local governments in five states. Three components of the plans are analyzed: fact basis, goals, and policies. This study indicates that state mandates have a clearly measurable effect in enhancing plan quality. The findings also suggest that the design of the mandate itself can be important in determining local plan quality.

Abstract The determinants of R&D intensity differ between subsidiaries in a multinational enterprise (MNE). Previous literature suggests that whether a subsidiary achieves a competence‐creating output mandate depends on the qualities of its location. R&D strategies in competence‐creating subsidiaries are supply‐driven while those in purely competence‐exploiting subsidiaries are demand‐driven. Using data on U.K. subsidiaries of non‐U.K. MNEs, we find that the level of subsidiary R&D depends on MNE group‐level and subsidiary‐level characteristics as well as locational factors. The R&D of mandated subsidiaries rises with acquisition, but for non‐mandated subsidiaries R&D falls upon acquisition. MNEs that grow through acquisition have more inter‐subsidiary R&D diversity. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

We examine the conditions for trust relationships between patients and physicians. A trust relationship is not normally negotiated explicitly, but we wanted to discuss it with both patients and physicians. We therefore relied on a combination of interviews and observations. Sixteen patients and 8 family physicians in Norway participated in the study. We found that trust relationships were negotiated implicitly. Physicians were authorized by patients to exercise their judgment as medical doctors to varying degrees. We called this phenomenon the patient's mandate of trust to the physician. A mandate of trust limited to specific complaints was adequate for many medical procedures, but more open mandates of trust seemed necessary to ensure effective and humane treatment for patients with more complex and diffuse illnesses. More open mandates of trust were given if the physician showed an early interest in the patient, was sensitive, gave time, built alliances, or bracketed normal behavior.

In the discussion of energy conservation, a great deal of attention has focused on mandated efficiency standards for cars and energy-using household appliances. (In this article, I will use the term "appliance" in a generic sense to cover household durables). Unfortunately, the estimates of energy savings predicted to result from these mandated standards are derived mechanically.' When mandated standards raise the appliance efficiency by 1 percent, demand is predicted to drop by 1 percent; when they raise efficiency by 2 percent, demand is predicted to drop by 2 percent; and so on. Examples of such results are found in reports by the Department of Energy (1979a, 1980) and by the Staff of the California Energy Commission (1979) on energy demand in California in the coming two decades.