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This paper examines the historical trajectory and contemporary transformation of Euroscepticism and populism within the Swedish political landscape. Sweden became a full member of the European Union (EU) in 1995. However, while traditional parties such as the Centre Party, the Liberal Party, and the Christian Democrats continue to advocate for European integration and supranational cooperation, the emergence of populist movements has significantly altered the national discourse. The research highlights a critical shift from traditional, sovereignty-based Euroscepticism to a modern form of populism driven by neoliberal economic shifts, migration challenges, and domestic security concerns. A focal point of this analysis is the rise of the Sweden Democrats (SD), which entered parliament in 2010 and achieved a historic breakthrough in the 2022 general elections. As the second-largest party, the SD now exerts substantial influence over socio-economic and migration policies through the Tidö agreement with the governing coalition. The analysis concludes that Sweden currently faces a dualistic future. First path is characterized by a "soft" Euroscepticism focused on environmental and human rights reforms, and the second path is defined by far-right extremism that challenges the fundamental principles of the EU. The transformative impact of the SD suggests that Swedish populism is no longer a peripheral phenomenon but a central force reshaping both national identity and EU affairs. Since joining the European Union in 1995, Sweden’s relationship with the bloc has been defined by a complex tug-of-war between international cooperation and national scepticism. Swedish politics is currently split between Europhile (pro-EU) and Eurosceptic (anti-EU or critical) forces. The pro-EU Parties such as the Centre Party, Liberal Party, and Christian Democrats advocate for deeper integration, focusing on free trade, environmental standards, and collective security. However, the Eurosceptic and populist parties such as the Left Party and the Sweden Democrats (SD) have historically challenged the EU’s authority. The most significant shift in Swedish politics occurred in the 2000s with the emergence of the SD. The party entered parliament in 2010 and became the second-largest political force in 2022. Unlike traditional Euroscepticism, which was often based on sovereignty, modern Swedish populism is driven by concerns over neoliberal economics, migration, and rising crime. Today, Sweden stands at a crossroads. One path leads toward a “soft” Euroscepticism that seeks to reform the EU based on human rights and the environment. The other path, driven by far-right momentum, moves toward nationalistic policies that fundamentally challenge the EU’s founding principles. The SD’s current role as a key government supporter ensures that their transformative influence on migration and socio-economic policy will remain a central feature of Swedish and European affairs for years to come. The present country report was prepared as part of the EUPopLink COST Action ( Andreadis & Vasilopoulou, 2014) following the EUPopLink Theoretical Framework and guidelines ( Lorimer et al., 2026).

This article challenges standard accounts about technological disillusionment in the late 1960s and 1970s that locate opposition to new technologies primarily in environmentalists and the "New Left" or declining trust in expertise. Looking at the critics of the Anglo-French supersonic jet Concorde in Britain, it argues for the importance of political economy to understand the demise of techno-nationalism. Drawing on debates within government, Parliament, the press, and extraparliamentary opposition, the article demonstrates that actually economic and industrial critiques-often voiced privately within the state-were decisive. What united these ideologically diverse opponents was not environmentalism but a shared wariness of state power and the conviction that official deception sustained a looming commercial disaster. It also shows how a lack of transparency and powerful state propaganda masked Concorde's effective cancellation, which demonstrated a deep rejection of techno-nationalism. The conclusion reflects on why Britain sustained its supersonic commitment longer than the United States.

We present the first study to examine associations between national income inequality, gender equality, and eating disorder rates. These factors have been linked with other health outcomes (e.g., depression) and relevant psychological outcomes (e.g., comparison, objectification). We use estimates of eating disorder DALY rates from the Global Burden of Disease Study (Study 1, N = 204 nations) and eating disorder tweeter rates (Study 2, N = 104 nations). We measure income inequality using the Gini index and gender equality using five measures: gender equality in education, paid work, and parliament, the Hill/Karim Index, and the Gender and Social Norms Index. We group countries into regions, reporting within- and between-region associations controlling for national development. Within-region, we find limited evidence that income inequality and gender equality are associated with eating disorder DALYs or tweeter rates. Between-region, income inequality was associated with higher eating disorder DALYs and tweeter rates; findings for gender equality were mixed in Study 1, and in Study 2, gender equality was associated with higher eating disorder tweeter rates. Within-region null findings may reflect limited statistical power and regional homogeneity. Between-region, income inequality was associated with higher eating disorder burden and online discussion, consistent with previous research linking income inequality with poorer health. Between-region results for gender equality were mixed; however, we found almost no evidence that gender equality was correlated with fewer eating disorders. Between-region analyses should be interpreted with caution due to low statistical power. We discuss implications for theory and measurement.

Haaken Bergh spent eleven years as a patient in psychiatric institutions in Norway and Sweden in the early twentieth century. Following his discharge from Dikemark Asylum in 1921, he devoted the rest of his life to seeking redress and campaigning for reform of the mental health service. Bergh published two books, brought legal proceedings against Oslo local authority, petitioned the Norwegian parliament (the Storting) for ex-gratia compensation and held lectures throughout Norway. He attracted considerable public attention during his lifetime but was largely forgotten after his death. This article is based on Bergh's books Levende begravet (buried alive) (1925) and Jo galere, jo bedre (the crazier, the better) (1928), searches in the National Library of Norway's digital collections, a review of Bergh's medical records from Solna Hospital outside Stockholm and Dikemark Asylum in Norway, and archival material from the Office of the Municipal Finance Director in Oslo relating to Bergh's damages claim. Bergh was a prominent critic of psychiatry, and his books and lectures reached a wide audience. He ultimately received a token ex-gratia payment from the Storting, but the authorities largely ignored him. His criticism mainly concerned the inadequate safeguards governing involuntary admission, the limited expertise in asylums and the need to revise the Insanity Act of 1848. The solitary nature of his campaign and his polemical style probably contributed to his lack of impact.

In 1974, a paper published in Archives described a series of children who suffered serious acute and, usually long-term, neurological events after inoculation with the combined diphtheria/tetanus/pertussis vaccine. Despite this being a case series, with no controls, the authors posited a causal connection and blamed the whole-cell pertussis component. This message was taken up by the UK media and raised in Parliament. Almost overnight the uptake of the combined vaccine fell and notifications of pertussis rose. It took 15 years for uptake of the vaccine to recover.Twenty-four years following publication of the Archives paper, a smaller case series was published in the Lancet, claiming a link between bowel problems and autism. A temporal association with the MMR vaccine was noted and the lead author called for a ban on the combined vaccine. This resulted in a fall in MMR vaccine uptake. There is now a significant body of evidence in favour of no causal link but many parents remain hesitant about vaccinating their children.Authors, editors and publishers should be aware of the effect that an article published in a high-quality academic publication can have on public health. Although it is not appropriate to suppress good research, whatever the message, it is an ethical imperative to ensure it is truly evidence-based.

In May 2026, the Legislation (Definitions of Woman and Man) Amendment Bill was introduced into the New Zealand Parliament; seeking to legally define 'woman' in law as 'an adult human biological female', and 'man' as 'an adult human biological male'. It would affect how trans, non-binary, takatāpui, and intersex people are viewed in the eyes of the law, weakening anti-discrimination protections and restricting rights and access to healthcare. RANZCOG's commitment to cultural safety is an important asset to guide health professionals as we grapple with how to respond to the Bill. Equitable health outcomes for everyone depend on it.

Stevia (Stevia rebaudiana Bertoni) is a small perennial herb widely recognized as a natural sweetener. Its leaves contain zero-calorie, non-nutritive, and high-potency sweetening compounds with promising pharmaceutical potential, particularly for diabetes management. Steviol glycosides in Stevia rebaudiana leaves exhibit therapeutic potential against Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus (T2DM). Stevioside and rebaudioside A enhance insulin secretion and improve insulin sensitivity, helping regulate blood glucose levels. Steviol glycosides, designated as E960, are approved food additives in the European Union and permitted for use across various food categories under specific manufacturing and quality standards. Their application falls under the rules set by the European Parliament and Council Regulation (EC) No. 1333/2008, which governs the use of food additives. The European Union revised its labelling regulation, classifying E960 as "steviol glycosides from Stevia" (E960a) to highlight its natural plant origin. However, the global regulatory framework and acceptable daily intake (ADI) for steviol glycosides remain inadequately standardized. This review discusses Stevia and Steviol Glycosides as a sustainable source of non-nutritive sweeteners, advances in extraction, safety assessment, toxicological evaluation, global regulatory framework, acceptable daily intake (ADI), stevioside traceability, applications in functional foods and health-oriented product development, consumer acceptance, labelling trends and prospects of Steviol Glycosides.

There is growing interest in bacteriophage (phage) technologies across the One Health spectrum. The UK Parliament's Science, Technology and Innovation Select Committee recently published the results of its inquiry into 'the antimicrobial potential of bacteriophages' with recommendations on clarity on regulatory matters to support research and innovation. Products developed for different sectors will have different regulatory requirements. Here, we discuss how phage technology is applied across human, veterinary and food sectors, highlighting key regulatory considerations and the technical challenges that must be addressed to assure the quality, safety and efficacy of phage products. We also highlight the potential impact of phages in areas where they are most needed (low- and middle-income countries).

Long COVID is a complex, multisystem chronic condition that may persist or fluctuate for months to years after SARS-CoV-2 infection. Despite emerging international research, significant gaps remain in understanding the full breadth of long COVID's impacts in Australia. No study has yet prospectively examined these multidimensional impacts using a culturally appropriate, user-validated toolkit. Our study aims to characterise symptom profiles, functional outcomes and psychological, social, financial and behavioural impacts of long COVID in Australian adults; identify factors associated with recovery trajectories; and validate a set of measures to support research and clinical care. This national, multi-site, longitudinal prospective cohort study comprises three phases: (1) survey selection and user-testing; (2) psychometric validation; and (3) a longitudinal cohort study. Survey selection was informed by literature review, Australian parliament inquiry reports and international recommendations, and refined through iterative user-testing and expert review. A total of 1000 participants aged ≥18 years from diverse cultural backgrounds with ongoing symptoms following COVID-19 infection will be divided into three cohorts based on time since infection. Surveys will be administered at seven time points over 24 months, with optional follow-up to 36 months. Data linkage to state and national health datasets will enable an objective assessment of healthcare utilisation and associated costs. Psychometric properties of the tools will be evaluated using baseline responses from the initial 300 participants, including assessments of structural/construct validity, convergent validity, known-groups validity, cross-validity, internal reliability, responsiveness and test-retest reliability. Other data analyses will include descriptive statistics, repeated-measures analysis of variance, linear mixed-effects modelling and multivariable regression models. Ethics approval was obtained from The St Vincent's Hospital Melbourne Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC) (112108/2024/PID00364) and RMIT University HREC (28124). Research findings will be disseminated at conferences and in peer-reviewed publications. Australian New Zealand Clinical Trials Registry (ACTRN12625001415493).

It is well known that there are many social and economic factors influencing tobacco use. There are very few studies addressing these aspects of the issue. Nevertheless, smoking is closely related to social, economic, cultural, and political factors. This study aims to present the aspects of the MPOWER application that should be expanded in order to achieve a more effective tobacco control policy. Thirty-one countries were included in this secondary data analysis. The smoking prevalence of the countries in 2020 and the changes in smoking prevalence between 2010 and 2020 were taken as dependent variables. Criteria indicating the level of development, democratic standards, gender equality, civil rights, and basic health level of the countries were considered independent variables. Pearson (r) or Spearman (ρ) correlation analyses were conducted based on normality assumptions. There was a positive linear correlation between smoking prevalence and the total unemployment rate (ρ=0.78), income inequality (ρ=0.72), the Global Rights Index (ρ=0.54), and the Gender Inequality Index (ρ=0.45). In contrast, smoking prevalence was negatively correlated with current health expenditures (ρ= -0.55), the Human Development Index (ρ= -0.55), the Corruption Perceptions Index (r= -0.51), the World Justice Index (ρ= -0.47), the share of seats in parliament (r= -0.43), the Democracy Index (ρ= -0.41), and MPOWER (2008) (ρ= -0.38). There was a strong positive correlation between the percent change in smoking prevalence and income inequality (ρ=0.77), the total unemployment rate (ρ=0.64), the Gender Inequality Index (ρ=0.46), and the Global Rights Index (ρ=0.44). Conversely, the percent change in smoking prevalence was negatively correlated with the Freedom Index (ρ= -0.67), the Democracy Index (ρ= -0.67), the Human Development Index (ρ= -0.59), the Corruption Perceptions Index (r= -0.56), current health expenditure (ρ= -0.55), GDP per capita (ρ= -0.53), and MPOWER (2008) (ρ= -0.47). Besides the MPOWER application, factors correlated with the success of tobacco control are social determinants of health, gender equality, and advanced democracy.

This report comprises the 16th assessment of the Echinococcus multilocularis surveillance scientific reports, provided by Finland, Ireland, United Kingdom (Northern Ireland) and Norway on their respective surveillance programmes. Every year since 2012, EFSA presents the assessment to the European Commission (EC) in which the sampling strategy, data collection and detection methods used by these countries are evaluated. More specifically, the surveillance programmes of these four countries are evaluated by checking the information submitted by each of them and verifying that the technical requirements were fulfilled as laid down in Commission Delegated Regulation (EU) 2018/772 of 21 November 2017 supplementing Regulation (EU) No 576/2013 of the European Parliament and of the Council with regard to preventive health measures for the control of E. multilocularis infection in dogs, and repealing Delegated Regulation (EU) No 1152/2011. The information is divided in four different categories for assessment: the type and sensitivity of the detection method, the selection of the target population, the sampling strategy and the methodology. For each category, the main aspects that need to be considered to accomplish the technical requirements of the legislation are checked against compliance of several criteria. The countries participating in this surveillance (Finland, Ireland, the United Kingdom (Northern Ireland) and Norway) succeeded in the fulfilment of the technical legal requirements foreseen in Commission Delegated Regulation (EU) 2018/772 concerning these four different categories. None of the four countries recorded positive samples in the 12-month reporting period.

In 2024, a Bill "On Palliative Care, End-of-Life Decision-Making and Euthanasia" was submitted to the Czech Parliament for consideration. This article evaluates the Bill through doctrinal and ethico-legal analysis and a comparative perspective centred on Belgium, whose model influenced the Czech proposal. The Bill is unusual in combining, within one statute, conventional end-of-life practices - palliative care, withholding or withdrawal of life-sustaining treatment, and palliative sedation - and "assisted death", covering euthanasia and physician-assisted suicide. With regard to conventional practices, the Bill gives legal form to a right to palliative care, introduces "medically inadequate treatment" as the threshold for limiting life-sustaining interventions, and embeds procedural safeguards (information, participation, mediation by an ethics committee, and judicial review) intended to enhance transparency, patient autonomy, and legal certainty for clinicians. With regard to assisted death, the proposal sets out eligibility criteria (adult legal competence, voluntariness, an incurable and irreversible illness, and permanent and unbearable suffering without any prospect of improvement) and a staged procedure: a preliminary request, independent consultation, a qualified written request, final verification immediately before the act, and mandatory ex post review by a commission based on a non-anonymous report. This article shows that the Czech Bill represents a serious and coherent attempt to bring end-of-life regulation in the Czech Republic into conformity with the human-rights standards developed in the case law of the ECtHR. It also advances several de lege ferenda recommendations that seek to synthesise the strengths of the Czech Bill and the Belgian model while avoiding identified shortcomings. These recommendations aim to ensure that any European end-of-life framework remains firmly anchored in human-rights requirements, while also taking into account the practical realities of clinical decision-making and the accumulated legal experience of European states that have already introduced forms of assisted death.

Differences of Sex Development (DSD) is a collective term for a heterogeneous group of rare congenital conditions characterized by atypical genetic, gonadal, or genital sexual development. The treatment of children with DSD, particularly the indications for and timing of surgical interventions, has been the subject of debate for decades. In recent years, social developments emphasizing children's rights to self-determination and bodily integrity, along with increasing societal acceptance of atypical sex characteristics, have encouraged a more cautious approach toward early genital surgery in children with DSD. In 2019, the European Parliament adopted a resolution urging Member States to enact legislation prohibiting elective genital surgical interventions on intersex infants and children. Since then, several countries have indeed implemented restrictive measures, including legal bans on early surgical procedures. In this paper, we share the experiences and insights gained in recent years as pediatric urologists working in four neighboring countries in multidisciplinary university centers specializing in DSD care and research. We focus on current approaches to the care of children with DSD, the evolution of relevant national policies over time, and the nature and impact of recently introduced restrictive regulations on early surgical interventions. By presenting perspectives from pediatric urologists across these four countries, we aim to contribute to ongoing discussions on the alignment and refinement of surgical treatment practices for children with DSD.

Classically social prescription interventions focus on loneliness in adulthood, however another transitional stage of the lifespan associated with loneliness is new parenthood. A first-of-its-kind, socially prescribed, creative play programme is being trialed for families with 0-2-year-olds in a deprived ward in the North of England. Yet little is known about the perspectives of key stakeholders on this type of social prescription. This study examined the experience, attitudes and perspectives stakeholders hold around social prescription for families with infants. Individual in depth interview study. This study recruited 12 different stakeholders with practice or policy roles relating to family health and wellbeing, from general practitioners to members of parliament, with different power dynamics and roles to take part in a seven-question semi-structured interview. The interview addressed relationships between stakeholders, how they feel families might value or stigmatize socially prescribed creative play interventions and their thoughts and experiences with social prescription. The interview transcripts were analysed using an inductive descriptive thematic analysis. Three main themes were identified 1) Normalizing a New Offer: Getting it Right the First Time, 2) Barriers to Socially Prescribed Family Intervention and 3) Social Prescription for Complicated Families with Varying Needs. Findings suggest social prescription for families with infants would be welcome, and may relieve strain on our health systems. However, questions remain around how best to deliver such interventions, demonstrating the importance of evaluation to provide evidence to inform wider commissioning and promote sustainability and scaling.

The Czech debate on euthanasia illustrates with particular clarity how bioethical questions are inseparably intertwined with law, politics, and public discourse. Over the past decade, the issue has generated an exceptional number of monographs, creating a dense intellectual framework for reflection on dignity, autonomy, and end-of-life decision-making. Despite sustained scholarly engagement and repeated legislative initiatives, all proposals to legalize euthanasia have been rejected. The Constitutional Court has clarified that, while personal autonomy deserves respect, no constitutional right to euthanasia exists under Czech law; dignity is located primarily in the guarantee of care, and responsibility for any potential legal change lies with Parliament. Alongside legal and philosophical debates, public discussion has also been shaped by interventions from political actors. Public statements by President Petr Pavel supporting the possibility of a "dignified departure" attracted media attention and prompted reflection on how dignity is articulated in political language. Philosophical responses-most notably Tereza Matějčková's critique of equating dignity with not becoming a burden-highlight the risk that such rhetoric may exert subtle pressure on vulnerable individuals. Drawing on international experience from jurisdictions where assisted dying has been legalized, this article shows that palliative care and assisted dying have typically developed in parallel rather than in opposition. However, this empirical coexistence does not resolve normative tensions surrounding dignity, autonomy, and vulnerability. The Czech case thus demonstrates that bioethics, particularly in its proximity to law and institutional decision-making, is inherently political and calls for sustained ethical reflection on vulnerability and palliative care.

To evaluate the efficacy of adjunct probiotic supplementation (Lactobacillus helveticus and Bifidobacterium longum) alongside standard care compared to placebo in older adults with moderate unipolar depression. A randomized, double-blind, placebo-controlled pilot trial was conducted at two tertiary centers. Fifty-eight participants (&#x2265;&#x2009;60&#x2009;years) with moderate depression were randomized 1:1 to receive daily probiotics or a placebo for 12&#x2009;weeks, alongside standard antidepressant care. They were followed up for another 12&#x2009;weeks. The primary outcome was depression response (&#x2265;&#x2009;50% Montgomery-&#xc5;sberg Depression Rating Scale [MADRS] score reduction). Secondary outcomes included anxiety (General Anxiety Disorder 7-Item [GAD-7]), cognition, quality of life (WHOQOL-BREF), serum brain-derived neurotropic factor (BDNF), and gut microbiota profile. Mixed-effects models showed significant improvement over time in depressive symptoms (MADRS: F&#x2009;=&#x2009;32.0, p&#x2009;<&#x2009;0.001) and anxiety (GAD-7: F&#x2009;=&#x2009;13.1, p&#x2009;<&#x2009;0.001). Overall scores were lower in the probiotic group compared with the placebo group for both MADRS (F&#x2009;=&#x2009;12.7, p&#x2009;=&#x2009;0.001) and GAD-7 (F&#x2009;=&#x2009;10.7, p&#x2009;=&#x2009;0.002), although group &#xd7; time interactions were not significant. Quality-of-life domains improved markedly (all F&#x2009;>&#x2009;100, p&#x2009;<&#x2009;0.001) without additional benefit from probiotics. Escitalopram-equivalent antidepressant dose and benzodiazepine use influenced selected outcomes. The probiotic group also had a significantly higher serum BDNF level and increased fecal abundance of supplemented strains vs. the placebo group. The attrition rate was >&#x2009;50% over 24&#x2009;weeks. In this pilot PRODG trial, adjunct probiotics produced modest overall advantages for depressive and anxiety symptoms compared with placebo but did not enhance quality-of-life beyond usual improvement -&#xa0;both groups improved substantially, and trajectories over 24&#x2009;weeks were largely parallel across follow-up.