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The object of this article is to point out and to discuss the significant intersections and boundary blurring between psychiatry and tropical medicine while treating malaria in the German "colonial metropolis" Hamburg. The focus of this study is the Hamburg asylum at Friedrichsberg and the Institute for Maritime and Tropical Diseases (Hamburg Tropical Institute). Under analysis are two groups of patients as well as the means with which their doctors treated them: 1. patients who have been sent back from the German colonies in Africa after mental disorders had been diagnosed, and 2. patients suffering from general paralysis and treated in Friedrichsberg after 1919 using the then newly developed malaria fever therapy (according to Wagner-Jauregg). The implementation of this latter led to an intensification of the cooperation between psychiatry and tropical medicine in Hamburg which prior to this had been only very sporadic.

Some basic concepts for the creation of the Swiss National Park were derived from observations made in Sri Lanka, Indonesia and New Caledonia. European researchers feared that the study of "virgin nature" would no longer be possible, as various species would soon become extinct under the combined influences of colonial practices and profit-oriented capitalism. While the motives for protecting nature originated from experiences made in the southern hemisphere, their scientific concept of conservation was based on European natural history and the related theories of evolution. In the light of this approach, endangered zoological and botanical species as well as "primitive" varieties of man were appreciated as "documents" to be preserved within their original environment for future scientific reference and research. Museum collections and reservations (parks) were two types of repositories connected to each other by the same objective.

The physician Friedrich von Bönninghausen (1828-1910) practiced from 1864 until his death as a homoeopath in Münster/Westphalia. The article locates this "alternative" practice in its medical surrounding. It is shown which cures the patients had already used before they turned to the method of Hahnemann and which motives are given in the records for their decision to consult the homoeopath.

Within a larger study on breast-feeding in ancient Greece, we dwelt on four subjects (the superstitions concerning menstrual blood, milk and dairy products consumption by the Athenians, different kinds of milk and beliefs related to the transmission of hereditary characteristics through human milk, the connection between milk, breast and madness) on which we have identified a certain number of neglected sources. Starting from these, we can gain not only some mosaic tiles of the overall fragmentary view on habits and beliefs about breast-feeding, but also, more generally, helpful hints on some aspects of the Greek world and mentality that we barely know. In attempting to reach some general conclusions, we have also considered the iconographic sources, trying to explain, in part at least, the reason for the almost complete absence of scenes of breast-feeding in the archaic and classical art.

This article analyses why the French phenomenon of acupuncture was confined to the 1810s-1820s. It argues that the French medical orthodoxy played a decisive role. First, we recount the history of the French reception of Japanese acupuncture from the late 17th century to the 1820s. Second, we go back to the animal magnetism trial to find some explanatory tools for the decline of French acupuncture. Third, we show that the oppositions to both therapies were not mere juxtapositions, but due to the growing strength of medical orthodoxy. Finally, we suggest a model of analysis of the French medical orthodoxy of the early 19th century through a set of multidimensional oppositions: anthropological (imagination/reason), epistemological (to heal/to explain), therapeutic (drug/fluid), nosological (organic disease/functional disease), and lastly, economic, moral and political oppositions (doctor/charlatan).

During World War II and the early Cold War period, a rapid development of the blood transfusion service and a boom in blood group research occurred in Switzerland. Unprecedented volumes of blood were stored and enormous quantities of blood group data were recorded. In the following paper I will argue that this mobilization of blood was strongly shaped by military institutions and aims. The military worked closely with the Red Cross in order to build a blood transfusion service that was supposed to guarantee a permanent readiness for war and help prepare the nation for an imagined nuclear conflict. Concurrently, geneticists, anthropologists, and physicians obtained new opportunities for scientific research in collaboration with the military and the Red Cross enabling them access to comprehensive military data and modern serological laboratories. The paper points out how this cooperation between the military and the sciences influenced and transformed the cultural meanings, the medical uses of as well as the knowledge about human blood.

This article embraces the different ways a scientist traveller and his fieldworks can be perceived through the case of Alfred Grandidier in South America, in India and in Madagascar (1857-1870). Our aim is to deal with various aspects of historical scientific exploration and to draw a picture of the erudite traveller by crossing various and complementary points of view. Scientific works can be received very differently, depending on the place and the nature of the addresses, whether they are authorities wishing to take advantage of it, native people fearing for their safety or disciples glorifying their idol. The concept of science itself and the status of the scientist raise the question of mutual understanding between the explorer and his contemporaries, in Paris or in a remote place. Alfred Grandidier's example is particularly relevant to reveal different visions of scientist traveller as promoted in the 19th century, as well as the various perceptions that a scientific work can have depending on the public it impacts.

The field of Gesnerian studies is still to a large extent underdeveloped. This statement sums up in a nutshell the state of research on the body of work of the Zurich physician. Yet, no place for pessimism in this succinct conclusion: in what follows we trace some major tendencies and developments in the study of the Gesnerian corpus. On the whole, it is mostly his illustrations that have drawn scholars' attention, providing interesting perspectives on art history and the representation of nature in the 16th century, as well as, through the study of the circulation of images, on the scholarly networks and knowledge communication in the Renaissance. The second part of this article builds on concrete examples to provide possible perspectives on the paratext of Historia animalium, and on the various additions made to it by its author. In conclusion, it appears that numerous aspects of the Renaissance perception of nature remain unexplored, but also that a reading that makes use of precise lexicological and statistical tools is necessary and promising. This conclusion is positive and seeks to highlight the network established between scholars from different domains of the humanities, and also the technical means available at present, which open new possibilities for comparison, exchange and collating of research information.

The institutionalization of physical therapy in Switzerland took place in the inter-war period. This article aims to relate the initiation of this process in the Canton of Vaud, as a specific example that will nevertheless be compared with the Swiss and international contexts. This story occurs around three major events between 1928 and 1945: the massage becomes a regulated profession, followed by the emergence of a professional association and a specialized school. The intention is first to identify the social actors, then the interests, issues, and interactions that have contributed to model the modern physical therapy. Finally, the techniques used by the masseurs--the first professional physical therapists--and their working environment are evoked.

I describe the place of teleology in William Harvey's understanding of anatomy, drawing especially on his lecture and working notes from (roughly) the decade leading up to the publication of De motu cordis. Harvey understands the goal of anatomy to be universal, final causal knowledge of the parts of animals and their variations, articulated in terms of their actiones and usus. I then carefully trace the role of teleology in the De motu cordis, distinguishing (with Harvey) between his opinion "de motu & usu cordis" and "de circuitu sanguinis". I argue that in the De motu cordis Harvey provides teleological explanations of features of the heart and arteries and their variations in terms of the circulation of the blood, understood as the actio of the heart. In this way the De motu cordis clearly embodies Harvey's understanding of the teleological character of anatomical knowledge.

Neither pedants nor amateurs? Psychological journals in Germany in the last three decades of the 18th century The Magazin zur Erfahrungsseelenkunde introduced a new tone in the evolving field of psychology. For the first time, attention was paid not to the abstract relationships between body and soul, but to suffering individuals from the «common folk». The collection and systematic publication of accounts of readers should eventually allow the formulation of an empirical «science of the soul». The readers would eventually send accounts of personal and experienced «cases». By 1800, this conception of the science of psychology was called into question by educated philosophers who, in journals opened only to specialists, endeavored to develop a more professional psychology. They nevertheless failed in formulating general criteria of scientificity. The main argument of this article is that the distinction between amateurs and scientists was not an outcome of the inner evolution of the field of psychology, but that it developed through practices of communication in which periodicals play a major role.

This article deals with medical certificates issued by the physician Cäsar Adolf Bloesch (1804-1863) from Biel/Bienne. It aims at examining this service as a part of the medical market in the early nineteenth century. Firstly, it focuses on four administrative procedures which show how the standardized medical certificate was established at the time. Secondly, it examines how expert testimony in general and medical testimony in particular depended on public and private demand. Finally, this study argues that by attesting health or illness, physicians could gain their patients' confidence and increase their own social capital. For patients a medical certificate could imply release from moral judgement.

The socialist politician Marcel Sembat’s unpublished manuscripts reveal the unexpected figure of a diarist with a passion for his own intimate, bodily, sexual and affective economy, and of an autodidact and sometimes polemical reader of psychology (for instance Pierre Janet’s). Sembat was recognized nonetheless as a potentially publishable author by Georges Dumas, the editor of the Journal de psychologie normale et pathologique, who asked him to contribute an article – which was never published – on dreaming. Sembat was also particularly receptive to Freud’s early conceptions of sexuality. Was Marcel Sembat an amateur, like the painter Ingres playing the violin? Could he be characterized as a “psychologist from below”? As a dilettante? Or simply as a cultivated man according to the meaning this period ascribed to the term?

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At the beginning of the XXth century, Wegener proposed a theory – that of the roaming drift of the continents – unifying the rival theories of the Europeans and the Americans. As the work of a non-specialist who didn’t trouble himself with specific details, it raised numerous criticisms from specialists in various disciplines though others welcomed and supported it. Some even understood that despite its flaws, it started a new research program. Paradoxically, as regards its simplicity, nonspecialists – engineers, popularizers, secondary school teachers and even believers in para-sciences – gave it a favorable reception. Being amateurs, they continued to endorse it when specialists abandoned it.

In 1538 Andreas Vesalius published his unauthorised revision of Guinther von Andernach's little anatomical textbook, the Institutiones anatomicae. Immediately on publication he set to work on a further revision, making around 250 changes. This paper presents these changes for the first time, discussing them in the context of Vesalius as a reviser of his own work and as anatomist moving away from reliance on Galen towards the independence of the 1543 Fabrica. As well as simple proof corrections, the notes show corrections to Vesalius' earlier anatomical observations as well as page references to passages in Galen discussed at greater length in the Fabrica.

With this paper I endeavour to adapt Lorraine Daston's term of cognitive practices in order to deal with material traces of writing and reading in natural philosophy of the seventeenth and the eighteenth century. In this paper I put particular emphasis on text-depiction-pairs. I hypothesize that basic cognitive faculties such as writing and reading serve as 'triggers' for cognitive practices of the scientific self: arts of memory, economies of attention, and the solidification and erosion of belief. For instance, the cognitive practices which are activated by 'reading' text-depiction-pairs are equivalent to the ones of the experimenter, who shifts his attention from observation to data to hypothesis and back. Building on Daston's well-known theory I focus on experimental cognition in specific epistemic situations.

The new history of the clinic, developed mainly after the publication of Othmar Keel's L'avènement de la médecine clinique moderne en Europe, 1750-1815 in 2001, invites the scholars to turn upside down the chronology adopted by Michel Foucault in his classic Birth of the Clinic. This paper investigates the philosophical consequences of this chronological displacement, showing that the medical empiricism of the clinic cannot have the characteristics attributed by Foucault. If the myth of the purity of such empiricism cannot be taken seriously anymore thanks to Foucault, is has been substituted by the myth of the creation of the clinic on the basis of enlightened empiricism. The clinic is, however, older than empiricism à la Condillac. It refers to an earlier medical empiricism developed in the 17th century which in its turn allowed for Condillac's philosophy. The clinic had in fact to choose between an elder medical empiricism and a new chemical empirism that appeared in the late 17th century. But the clinic was not a creation of the Enlightenment.

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