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The preparation, structural characterization and magnetic properties of three solvent adducts of VOCl(2), trans-VOCl(2)(THF)(2)(H(2)O) (1), trans-VOCl(2)(H(2)O)(2).2Et(2)O (2) and cis-VOCl(2)(MeOH)(3) (3) are described. In these solids, hydrogen bonding among the inorganic complexes is the critical determinant of the formation of extended magnetic networks. Compound forms one-dimensional double chains where alternating monomers from the two branches of the chain are hydrogen bonded via the V-Cl ... H-O-V network (with an axial water molecule and equatorial chloride ions). Magnetic studies indicate no interaction among the vanadyl centers. The paramagnetism of 1 is consistent with the extension of the network from the hydrogen donor site of the axial water, which is orthogonal to the d(xy) magnetic orbital. Compound 2 forms one-dimensional chains with water molecules of adjacent monomers held together by hydrogen bonds to ether molecules (V-O-H ... O(ether) ... H -O-V). The chain network radiates only through the equatorial plane of the complex where the water molecules are located. The presence of the intervening solvent molecule between hydrogen bonds of the primary coordination sphere magnetically insulates metal centers and compound is also a simple paramagnet. Removal of the solvent turns on the magnetic interaction and neighboring spin centers couple antiferromagnetically. Compound 3 forms a layered structure via V-Cl ... H-O-V hydrogen bonding, where all the hydrogen donor sites participate in the formation of the network. The vanadyl spin centers, at distances of 5.5 and 6.5 A from each other, couple antiferromagnetically (J/k=-0.7 K). Thus, magnetic coupling among metal centers is achieved when the hydrogen bond network directly radiates from the coordination plane containing the magnetic orbital. These results further support the utility of hydrogen bond as a viable design element in the construction of low dimensional, magnetic solids.

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1. Barbara A. Hanawalt, Crime and Conflict in English Communities 1300–1348 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979); J. Ambrose Raftis, Peasant Economic Development Within the English Manorial System (Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutton, 1996); Sherri Olson, A Chronicle of All That Happens: Voices From the Village Court in Medieval England (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1996). 2. Anne Reiber Dewindt, “Redefining the Peasant Community in Medieval England: The Regional Perspective,” Journal of British Studies 26 (1987): 163; 3. Christopher Dyer, “The English Medieval Village Community and Its Decline,” Journal of British Studies 33 (1994): 407–29; 4. Marjorie Keniston McIntosh, Controlling Misbehavior in England, 1370–1600 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 5. Shannon Mcsheffrey, “Jurors, Respectable Masculinity, and Christian Morality: A Comment on Marjorie McIntosh's Controlling Misbehavior,” Journal of British Studies 37.3 (1998): 270. 6. A. J. Pollard, “The Characteristics of the Fifteenth‐Century North,” in Government, Religion and Society in Northern England 1000–1700, ed. John Appelby and Paul Dalton (Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutton, 1997), 139. 7. Keith Stringer, “Identities in Thirteenth‐Century England: Frontier Society in the Far North,” in Social and Political Identities in Western History, ed. Claus Bjorn and Alexander Grant (Copenhagen, Denmark: Academic Press, 1994), 28–66. 8. For an example of the geographical and chronological span of legal historians, see the work of T. A. Green. Green began as a medievalist, but his interest in the trial jury has brought him from medieval England (Verdict According to Conscience: Perspectives on the English Criminal Trial Jury 1200–1800[Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985]) to twentieth‐century America (Freedom and Criminal Responsibility in American Legal Thought[New York: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming]). Daniel Klerman provides another example of a legal historian who has published on the medieval, early modern, and modern juries in both England and America. See his A Look at California Juries: Participation, Shortcomings, and Recommendations (Washington D.C.: American Tort Reform Association, 2002); (with Paul Mahoney) “The Value of Judicial Independence: Evidence from Eighteenth‐Century England,” American Law and Economics Review 7.1 (2005): 1–27; and 9. For example, see Noël James Menuge, ed., Medieval Women and the Law (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 2000). 10. See Leonard W. Levy, Palladium of Justice: Origins of Trial by Jury (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1999). 11. Green, Verdict According to Conscience, 28–64; J. G. Bellamy, The Criminal Trial in Later Medieval England: Felony Before the Courts From Edward I to the Sixteenth Century (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), passim. 12. For example, collective values dictated the outcome of a case of homicide when there was general knowledge of and discomfort with the deceitful nature of the crime. A jury's verdict in a gruesome case of wife murder was infinitely more meaningful than in the case of petty theft. Sara M. Butler, The Language of Abuse: Marital Violence in Later Medieval England (Leiden: Brill, 2007), chap. 5. 13. For a fuller discussion of the social context of the law, see Hanawalt, Crime and Conflict, chap. 2. 14. Coroners’ rolls record the verdicts of coroners’ inquest juries. Together with the coroner, this group of men was granted the task of examining the body of the deceased and interrogating neighbors and witnesses regarding any unnatural or suspicious deaths. The National Archives, Kew, Surrey (hereafter abbreviated as “TNA”) JUST 2. 15. Eyre or assize rolls document the visitations of royal justices into the counties to hold trials for all manner of pleas, civil and criminal. For the purposes of this study, only criminal pleas were taken into consideration. TNA JUST 1. 16. In all likelihood, a comparison is made here with a thief taken with the mainour, that is, with the stolen goods on his person. The stolen goods act as a confession, and thus a trial is unnecessary. 17. See J. B. Post, “Jury Lists and Juries in the Late Fourteenth‐Century,” in Twelve Good Men and True: The Criminal Trial Jury in England, 1200–1800, ed. J. S. Cockburn and T. A. Green (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1988), 65–77. In the same volume, see also Edward Powell, “Jury Trial at Gaol Delivery in the Late Middle Ages: The Midland Circuit, 1400–1429,” 78–116. 18. For a discussion of the status of grand jurors, see B. W. McLane, “Juror Attitudes Towards Local Disorder: The Evidence of the 1328 Lincolnshire Trailbaston Proceedings,” in Ibid., 36–64. 19. John Bellamy postulates that the crown may even have encouraged indicting jurors to participate in the actual trial as jurors in an effort to increase the chances of the accused being convicted. See Bellamy, The Criminal Trial in Later Medieval England, 27–29. 20. For a fuller discussion of the process, see Gwen Seabourne and Alice Seabourne, “The Law on Suicide in Medieval England,” The Journal of Legal History 21.1 (2000): 21–48.21. Henry de Bracton, Bracton: De Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliae, trans. Samuel E. Thorne, ed. George Woodbine, 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1968), 2: 424. 22. Hanawalt, Crime and Conflict, 102; Michael MacDonald and Terence R. Murphy, Sleepless Souls: Suicide in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 23. 23. Sara M. Butler, “Degrees of Culpability: Suicide Verdicts, Mercy, and the Jury in Medieval England,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 36 (2006): 263–90. Obviously, confiscation of goods was a concern in all cases of felony. However, where suicide differs from other felonies is that the felon has already been executed (admittedly by his own hand); thus, the verdict was more a formality and did not commence a legal process.24. St. Augustine, The City of God, Books I‐IV, trans. Demetrius B. Zema and Gerald G. Walsh (New York: Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1950), bk. 1, chap. 26, 61. 25. Alexander Murray, Suicide in the Middle Ages: Volume Two: The Curse on Self‐Murder (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), chap. 10. For examples of suicide in sermon stories, see J. Klapper, ed., Erzählungen des Mittelalters. Wort und Brauch, 12 (Breslau: M. and H. Marcus, 1914), no. 141; J. A. Herbert, ed., Catalogue of Romances in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum, vol. 3 (London: British Museum, 1910), 3: 683, no. 24. 26. Georges Minois, History of Suicide: Voluntary Death in Western Culture, trans. Lydia Cochrane (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), 34. 27. A “bederoll” is a list of the dead in a parish to be prayed for on the anniversary of their deaths. See Christopher Daniell, Death and Burial in Medieval England 1066–1550 (London and New York: Routledge, 1997), 13. 28. Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England 1400–1580 (New Haven, Conn., and London: Yale University Press, 1992), 313–27. 29. R. C. Finucane, Appearances of the Dead: A Cultural History of Ghosts (Buffalo, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 1984), 43, 49, 59. 30. Nancy Caciola, “Wraiths, Revenants and Ritual in Medieval Culture,” Past and Present 152 (1996): 10. 31. D. L. D’Avray, Medieval Marriage Sermons: Mass Communication in a Culture Without Print (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 14. Joan Young Gregg also emphasizes the power of exempla in influencing popular belief. See Joan Young Gregg, ed., Devils, Women and Jews: Reflections of the Other in Medieval Sermon Stories (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), 13. 32. Caesarius of Heisterbach, Dialogus miraculorum, 7.3–4, ed. Josef Strange, 2 vols. (Cologne: J.M. Heberle and H. Lempertz, 1851), 2: 317; as cited in Caciola, “Wraiths,” 28. For a further discussion of the difference between “official” and “unofficial” Christianity, see Carl Watkins, “‘Folklore’ and ‘Popular Religion’ in Britain during the Middle Ages,” Folklore 115 (2004): 140–50.33. MacDonald and Murphy, Sleepless Souls, 18–19; Minois, History of Suicide, 36. 34. The earliest recorded example of a burial of this nature dates to the death of Robert Browner in Suffolk, 1510, who apparently hanged himself because of “fiscal incompetence.”Robert Halliday, “Wayside Graves and Crossroads Burials,” Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society 84 (1996 for 1995): 113–18. Archaeological evidence, the most reliable proof to document burial practices, suggests that a tradition of exclusion and mutilation of the corpse extends from the Anglo‐Saxon era well into the eleventh century, and may have taken on the peculiar stake and crossroads variation during the late fifteenth century. Andrew Reynolds, “Burials, Boundaries and Charters in Anglo‐Saxon England: A Reassessment,” in Burial in Early Medieval England and Wales, ed. Sam Lucy and Andrew Reynolds (London: Maney Publishing, 2002), 171–94. Christopher Daniell notes that the staking of the body at a crossroads was “only rigorously enforced from the late fifteenth century onwards.” See his Death and Burial, 106. See also R. Merrifield, The Archaeology of Ritual and Magic (London: New Amsterdam Books, 1987), 71–76; Martin Carver, Sutton Hoo: Burial Ground of Kings? (London: British Museum Press, 1998), 137–44.35. William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum, ed. R. M. Thomson and M. Winterbottom, v. 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), chap. 4; Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium, ed. M. R. James (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1914), chap. 22. 36. William of Newburgh, Historia rerum Anglicarum, v. 22 in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II, and Richard I, ed. Richard Howlett, 4 vols. (Rolls Ser., London, 1884–9), 2: 475. The four “ghost stories” appear on 476–82. 37. William of Newburgh, Historia rerum Anglicarum, 476. 38. Cited in Jacqueline Simpson, “Repentant Soul or Walking Corpse? Debatable Apparitions in Medieval England,” Folklore 114 (2003): 390.39. Ibid. 40. M. R. James, “Twelve Medieval Ghost Stories,” English Historical Review 37 (1922): 413–22. 41. Simpson, “Repentant Soul,” 396. C. S. Watkins also finds a common connection between demons and the undead in his exploration of Anglo‐Norman ghost tales. See his “Sin, Penance and Purgatory in the Anglo‐Norman Realm: The Evidence of Visions and Ghost Stories,” Past and Present 175 (2002): 3–33. 42. Caciola, “Wraiths,” 19. 43. The miracles of King Henry VI include several examples of violent demoniacs. See Basil Clarke, Mental Disorders in Earlier Britain: Exploratory Studies (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1975), chap. 6. 44. Barbara Newman, “Possessed by the Spirit: Devout Women, Demoniacs, and the Apostolic Life in the Thirteenth Century,” Speculum 73 (1998): 733–70. 45. All population estimates are drawn from Josiah Cox Russell, British Medieval Population (Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press, 1948), 132–33. Russell bases these estimates on the Poll Tax returns of 1377. It should be noted, that for the thirteenth century (preplague), the populations were probably higher, although we do not have tax records in order to provide trustworthy estimates for this period. These population figures are offered in order to give the reader a sense of the size of each county. Unfortunately, there is no enrolment in the tax records for the county of Durham. 46. The possibility of concealment has been raised before by a good number of historians. See Hanawalt, Crime and Conflict, 102; S. J. Stevenson, “The Rise of Suicide Verdicts in South‐east England, 1530–1590: The Legal Process,” Continuity and Change 2 (1987): 57–65. Juries may often have concealed evidence of sudden and unnatural deaths. See R. F. Hunnisett, The Medieval Coroner (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961), 12.47. JUST 1/1022, m. 32; TNA JUST 1/1025, m. 20; TNA JUST 1/1025, m. 14; TNA JUST 2/258, m. 1. 48. Emile Durkheim has argued that the close‐knit village environment of the medieval era was more capable of assisting the depressed and thus preventing suicides. It is entirely possible that Durkheim's thesis holds some validity for the medieval period, although it does not explain the wide variation in suicide totals across England. See Hanawalt's discussion of Durkheim in her Crime and Conflict, 102. 49. This map of medieval counties and judicial assizes post‐1328 was reprinted from Anthony Musson, Public Order and Law Enforcement: The Local Administration of Criminal Justice, 1294–1350 (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell and Brewer, 1996), xiv, and altered in order to highlight high‐reporting counties. The maps that appear toward the end of this article are drawn from the same source and similarly altered. Many thanks to Boydell and Brewer for permission to reprint this map. 50. These figures are based on an analysis of coroners’ and eyre/assize rolls. Cases are drawn from the following eyre/assize rolls (TNA JUST 1) (Please note: the dates of the eyres or assizes appear in parentheses): Beds. 24 (1330–33), 26 (1330–31); Berks. 36 (1224–25), 44 (1284); Bucks. 55 (1241), 63 (1286); Cambs. 86 (1286), 95 (1299); Cornwall 111 (1284), 118 (1302); Cumberland 133 (1278–79), 135 (1292–93); Derby 148 (1281), 166 (1330–31); Devon 175 (1244), 181 (1281–82); Dorset 204 (1289), 213 (1288); Co. Durham 223 (1242); Essex 238 (1272), 242 (1285); Glos. 274 (1248), 278 (1287); Hants. 780 (1272), 787 (1280–81); Hereford 300C (1255), 302 (1292); Herts. 318 (1248), 325 (1287); Hunts. 343 (1261), 345 (1286); Kent 369 (1279), 374 (1293–94); Lancs. 409 (1292); Lancaster 436 (1355–57), 437 (1356–59); Leics. 455 (1247), 461 (1284); Lincs. 480 (1206–07), 488 (1281–84); Middlesex 538 (1274); Norfolk 568 (1257), 573 (1286); Northants. 623 (1285), 635 (1329–30); Northumberland 642 (1256), 653 (1293); Notts. 664 (1280–81), 683 (1229–30); Oxon. 700 (1247), 705 (1285); Rutland 722 (1286), 725 (1286); Shrops. 737 (1272), 739 (1292); Somerset 756 (1243), 759 (1280); Staffs 802 (1272), 806 (1293); Suffolk 818 (1240), 827 (1286–87); Surrey 872 (1255), 876 (1279); Sussex 915 (1279), 930 (1288); Warwick 951A (1232), 956 (1285); Westmorland 982 (1278–9), 986 (1292); Wilts. 996 (1249), 1005 Pt. 2 (1281); Worcs. 1022 (1255), 1025 (1275); Yorks. 1078 (1279–81), 1101 (1279–81). Cases are drawn also from an examination in entirety of the surviving coroners’ rolls (TNA JUST 2), covering the years 1228–1426. 51. Richard Barrie Dobson, “Mendicant Ideal and Practice in Late Medieval York,” in Archaeological Papers from York Presented to M.W. Barley, ed. D. V. Addyman and V. E. Black (York: York Archaeological Trust, 1984), 109–22. 52. Julia Barrows, “How the Twelfth‐Century Monks of Worcester Perceived Their Past,” in The Perception of the Past in Twelfth‐Century Europe, ed. Paul Magdalino (London: Hambledon Press, 1992), 53–76. 53. Cynthia J. Neville, “The Law of Treason in the English Border Counties in the Later Middle Ages,” Law and History Review 9 (1991): 1–30. 54. Jonathan Hughes, Pastors and Visionaries: Religion and Secular Life in Late Medieval Yorkshire (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 1988), 299. In fact, Jonathan Hughes notes that a year's worth of offerings at the tomb of Archbishop Richard Scrope amounted to roughly £2,000, “higher than the amounts at Becket's shrine during the height of the cult.” Ibid., 325. 55. Ibid., 305. 56. It was not uncommon for localities to worship saints that the church never recognized. For a discussion of the evolution of the cult of saints and changes in the process of canonization, see Barbara Abou‐El‐Hajn, The Medieval Cult of Saints: Formations and Transformations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pt. 1. 57. Hughes, Pastors and Visionaries, 325–26, 339–41. 58. Simpson, “Repentant Soul,” 390; Caciola, “Wraiths,” 28. For a discussion of living corpses in Icelandic literature, see Hilda R. Ellis Davidson, “The Restless Dead: An Icelandic Ghost Story,” in The Folklore of Ghosts, ed. Hilda R. Ellis Davidson and W. M. S. Russell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 155–75, 256–59; Juha Pentikäinen, “The Dead Without Status,” in Nordic Folklore: Recent Studies, ed. Reimund Kvideland and Henning K. Sehmsdorf (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1989), 128–34. 59. Simpson, “Repentant Soul,” 390. 60. Cases of diabolical temptation appearing in areas of the Danelaw are noted specifically for Leicestershire, Lincolnshire, Middlesex, Norfolk, Nottinghamshire, Staffordshire, and Yorkshire. The only two cases of diabolical temptation to fall outside the region appear in Oxford and Shropshire—both in close proximity to the boundaries of the Danelaw. See: TNA JUST 2/59, m. 3 (Leics.), death of Joanna wife of William Styward; TNA JUST 2/58, m. 8d (Leics.), death of John Scot; TNA JUST 2/67, m. 23 (Lincs.), death of Agnes de Goyton; TNA JUST 2/64, m. 4 (Lincs.), death of Ralph de Newkirke of Stamford; TNA JUST 2/96, m. 1d (Middlesex), death of Marion wife of Simon Rat of Ryslip; TNA JUST 2/104, m. 17 (Norf.), death of Agnes de Kirketon; TNA JUST 2/138, m. 5 (Oxon.), death of Katherine wife of Nicholas Pew; TNA JUST 2/146, m. 5d (Shrops.), death of Alice daughter of John, son of John of Grenehill; TNA JUST 2/159, m. 1 (Staff.), death of Nicholas son of William Godwine; TNA JUST 2/215, mm. 3 and 4 (Yorks.), death of Alice wife of John Horner; TNA JUST 2/221, m. 2 (Yorks.), death of Maud wife of Thomas of Rothwell; TNA JUST 2/211, m. 18d (Yorks.), death of Stephen (. . .). 61. McIntosh, Controlling Misbehavior, 173. 62. Ibid., 191. 63. For example, a Nottinghamshire jury classified a woman who inadvertently killed herself while attempting to abort her child as a suicide. See Sara M. Butler, “Women, Suicide, and the Jury in Later Medieval England,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 32.1 (2006): 156–58.64. Trevor Dean, Crime in Medieval Europe 1200–1550 (London: Longman, 2001), chap. 3. See also Valentin Groebner, “Losing Face, Saving Face: Noses and Honour in the Late Medieval Town,” History Workshop Journal 40 (1995): 1–15.65. MacDonald and Murphy, Sleepless Souls, 16. 66. Robin Frame, “ ‘Les Engleys Nees en Irlande’: The English Political Identity in Medieval Ireland,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 3 (1993): 103. Additional informationNotes on contributorsSara M. ButlerSara M. Butler is an assistant professor in the History Department and chair of Medieval Studies at Loyola University New Orleans.

AbstractThe inns and innkeepers of medieval England form a poorly documented and neglected group of institutions and individuals. Yet at a time of growing specialism, they were a crucial part of the economic infrastructure of the country. This study is focused on the documentation for central southern England but seeks to place this in a wider perspective. There was now a regular provision of inns in accordance with the size and importance of the towns. Inns generated substantial rent and were evidently felt to be worth considerable investment. Innkeepers were among the rich and influential members of the town. Inns played a vital role in the evolving and prospering economic, social and political life of the nation in this period.Keywords: Englandinnsinnkeepersinland tradetransport networksurban prosperity AcknowledgementsMy thanks go to those who have read and commented on earlier versions of this paper: James Davis, Christopher Dyer and Edward Roberts, and the referees. The first of these also kindly allowed me to read parts of his recent book before publication. I am also grateful to members of the medieval social and economic seminar at Oxford for their comments, and to those who have supplied information: Winifred Harwood, John Isherwood, Jean Morrin, Karen Parker, Robert Peberdy and Janet Pennington.Notes1 The following abbreviations are used in this paper: BL: London, British Library; HRO: Winchester, Hampshire Record Office; PHFC: Proceedings of the Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society; RCHM: Royal Commission on Historical Monuments; TNA: Kew, The National Archives; VCH: Victoria History of the Counties of England; WCM: Winchester College, muniments; WSRO: Chippenham, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office.J. Hare, 'The Economy of a Fifteenth-Century Provincial Capital', Southern History 31 (2009): 18, 22.2 C.M. Barron, 'London 1300–1540', in The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, vol. 1, 600–1540, ed. D.M. Palliser (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 412–40.3 G.H. Martin, 'Road Travel in the Middle Ages: Some Journeys by the Warden and Fellows of Merton College, Oxford, 1315–1470', Journal of Transport History 3 (1976): 172.4 E.A. Lewis, ed., The Southampton Port and Brokage Books, 1448–9. Southampton Records Series 36 (Southampton: The University Press, 1993), xliv.5 K.B. McFarlane, England in the Fifteenth Century (Oxford: Hambledon Press, 1981), 242.6 On the European context see P. Spufford, 'Trade in Fourteenth-Century Europe', in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 6, c.1300–c.1415, ed. M. Jones (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 188; W. Childs, 'Commerce', in The New Cambridge Medieval History. VII, c.1415–c.1500, ed. C. Allmand (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 148.7 On bridge-building, see D. Harrison, The Bridges of Medieval England: Transport and Society, 400–1800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). On lesser bridges, causeways and roads, see A. Betterton and D. Dymond, Lavenham: Industrial Town (Lavenham: Terence Dalton, 1989), 16, 113–15; J. Hare, A Prospering Society: Wiltshire in the Later Middle Ages (Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2011), 173; W.G. Hoskins, The Making of the English Landscape (London: Penguin, 1970), 132–5.8 A. Everitt, 'The English Urban Inn, 1560–1760', in Perspectives on English Urban History, ed. A. Everitt (London: Macmillan, 1973), 91.9 W.A. Pantin, 'Medieval Inns', in Studies in Building History: Essays in Recognition of the Work of B.H. St J. O'Neil, ed. E.M. Jope (London: Odhams, 1961), 166–9; for subsequent studies of individual buildings see footnotes below.10 See, for example, C. Dyer, Everyday Life in Medieval England (London: Hambledon Press, 1994), 297–8; and subsequent footnotes.11 See Hare, Prospering Society; idem, 'Regional Prosperity in Fifteenth-Century England: Some Evidence from Wessex', in Revolution and Consumption in Late Medieval England, ed. M. Hicks (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2001), 111–15.12 P. Clark, The English Alehouse (Harlow: Longman, 1983), 41–3. These sources are full of problems and must only be treated as approximations.13 Pantin, 'Medieval Inns', 166–91; E. Roberts, Hampshire Houses 1200–1700: Their Dating and Development (Winchester: Hampshire County Council, 2003), 179–83; idem, 'A Fifteenth-Century Inn at Andover', PHFC 47 (1992): 153–62.14 W. Harrison, The Description of England, ed. G. Edelen (New York: Cornell University Press, 1968), 397–8; J.N. Hare, 'Bishop's Waltham Palace: William of Wykeham, Henry Beaufort and the Transformation of a Medieval Episcopal Palace', Archaeological Journal 145 (1988): 236–7, 246–57; A. Emery, Greater Medieval Houses of England and Wales, 1300–1500, vol. 3, Southern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 94–7.15 Such multi-bedding was familiar elsewhere in Europe, as at an inn in Arrezo in 1385 which, with four beds and a mattress, managed to put up 180 overnight guests in 19 days: P. Spufford, Power and Profit: the Merchant in Medieval Europe (London: Thames and Hudson, 2006), 204.16 RCHM, Ancient and Historical Monuments in the City of Salisbury, vol. 1 (London: HMSO, 1980), 96–9, 109, 133–4.17 C. Haskins, The Ancient Trade Guilds and Companies of Salisbury (Salisbury: Bennet Bros, 1912), 293. Andover had 91 beds and 15 fireplaces in 1633, D.K. Coldicott, Elizabethan Andover (Andover: Andover History and Archaeological Society, 2004), 185; Roberts, 'A Fifteenth-Century Inn', 165; A. Conyers, ed., Wiltshire Extents for Debts, Edward I – Elizabeth. Wiltshire Record Society 28 (Devizes: Wiltshire Record Society, 1973), 107–10 (1598). Chequers: inventory of Thomas Etheridge, 1567 (HRO 21M65/D3/126), where most but not all the rooms had glass and painted hangings and slightly fewer had evidence of heating. I am grateful to Dr Karen Parker for loan of a typescript.18 S. Himsworth, Winchester College Muniments: a Descriptive List. 3 vols. (Chichester: Phillimore, 1976–84), 2: 803.19 WCM 1821a–1827.20 A point made by Christopher Dyer in relation to meetings about Inquisitions post mortem. C. Dyer, 'The Value of Fifteenth-Century Inquisitions Post Mortem for Economic and Social History', in The Fifteenth-Century Inquisitions Post Mortem: a Companion, ed. M. Hicks (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2012), 111.21 P. Clark, 'Early Modern Gloucester, 1547–1720', in VCH, Gloucestershire, vol. 4, The City of Gloucester, ed. N.M. Herbert (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 79.22 Dyer, Everyday Life, 297–8; J. Davis, Medieval Market Morality: Life, Law and Ethics in the English Marketplace, 1200–1500 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 337; M. Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade in Medieval Exeter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 144.23 F.J. Baigent and J.E. Millard, A History of the Ancient Town and Manor of Basingstoke (Basingstoke: C.J. Jacob, 1889), 323, and see also 318 and 324–5.24 D.R. Carr, ed., The First General Entry Book of the City of Salisbury, 1387–1452. Wiltshire Record Society 54 (Trowbridge: Wiltshire Record Society, 2001), 216, 218. For prohibitions elsewhere, see J. Hare, 'Church-Building and Urban Prosperity', PHFC 62 (2007): 190. For the economic role of inns, see also Davis, Medieval Market Morality, 397–402.25 R.H. Britnell, Growth and Decline in Colchester, 1300–1525 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 134; Kowaleski, Local Markets, 143.26 R. Dymond, 'The Old Inns and Taverns of Exeter', Reports and Transactions of the Devonshire Association (1880): 390, 400; A. Everitt, 'The Marketing of Agricultural Produce', in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 4, 1500–1640, ed. J. Thirsk (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), 560; C.J. Brett, 'The Fairs and Markets of Norton St Philip', Somerset Archaeological and Natural History 144 (2002): 186–9.27 R.H. Britnell, 'Markets, Shops, Inns, Taverns and Private Houses in Medieval English Trade', in Buyers and Sellers, Retail Circuits and Practices in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, eds. B. Blade and others (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), 118.28 See the Basingstoke examples below. At Winchester in the aulnage of 1395, although we can only establish the ownership of 45% of cloths recorded, 3% of the total were the responsibility of five innkeepers: D. Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), 310.29 A. Everitt, 'The Marketing of Agricultural Produce', in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 4, ed. Thirsk, 559.30 R.B. Dobson, ed., The Peasants' Revolt of 1381 (London: Macmillan, 1970), 109. Further inns may have been added to this provision in the subsequent century, as occurred at Sherborne and Andover. Both poll tax sources are largely lacking for Hampshire. For the 1379 Wiltshire returns, I have used the originals; for other counties, C.C. Fenwick, ed., The Poll Taxes of 1377, 1379 and 1381. British Academy, Records of Social and Economic History, new series, 27, 29, 37. 3 vols. (London: Oxford University Press for the British Academy, 1998–2005).31 Thus references to inns may disappear when new rentals are drawn up, since often account rolls provide a rent total rather than a detailed rental. Moreover an estate does not provide a total figure for a town. Bradenstoke Priory had an inn in neighbouring Chippenham, but there were three documented inns in 1379: TNA E 179/239/193/13.32 Baigent and Millard, Basingstoke, 243; Britnell, Growth and Decline, 237.33 M. Carlin, Medieval Southwark (London: Hambledon Press, 1996), 193.34 C.M. Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages: Government and People (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 59.35 Barron, London, 59; N. Davis, Paston Letters and Papers of the Fifteenth Century, vol. 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), 91, 94–7, 493, 517, 603, 606, 646. On Southwark, see Carlin, Medieval Southwark.36 Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester, 167, 276.37 Kowaleski, Local Markets, 125.38 M. Mate, Trade and Economic Developments 1450–1550: the Experience of Kent, Surrey and Sussex (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2006), 130–1; for inns and the urban hierarchy in Sussex, see J. Pennington, 'Inns and Taverns of Western Sussex, England 1550–1700, a Documentary and Architectural Investigation', in The World of the Tavern. Public Houses in Early Modern Europe, eds. W.B. Kumin and B.A. Tlusty (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002), 120–32.39 C. Dyer and T.R. Slater, 'The Midlands', in Cambridge Urban History of Britain, vol. 1, ed. Palliser, 631; C. Dyer, Bromsgrove: a Small Town in Worcestershire in the Middle Ages (Worcester: Worcestershire Historical Society, 2000), 32; Clark, English Alehouse, 6; R.B. Peberdy, 'The Economy, Society and Government of a Small Town in Late Medieval England: a Study of Henley-on-Thames from c.1300 to c.1540' (Ph.D. diss., University of Leicester, 1994), with five particular hostels.40 C. Dyer, A Country Merchant 1495–1520: Trading and Farming at the End of the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 83–4.41 TNA SP 12/116, f. 35.42 TNA E 179/239/193/6; E 179/196/52a; E 179/239/193/17; E 179/239/193/18; HRO 11M59/E2/158819/10, m. 64v; 11M59/E1/136/1, m. 126v; TNA SP 12/116, f. 35.43 TNA E 179/239/193/16; on the town's importance, see Hare, Prospering Society, 160–3.44 BL, Add. Rolls 24352–5; TNA SC 6/ Hen. VIII/3986 (Malmesbury Abbey); SC 2/227/103 (I am grateful to John Isherwood for this reference); E 179/194/42a; WCM 22181–2.45 On a Warwickshire example, see A. Watkins, 'William de Kellingworth and the George, an Early Reference to a Warwickshire Rural Inn', Warwickshire History 7, no. 5 (1989): 130–5. See also Dyer, Everyday Life, 297–8.46 TNA SC 6/Hen. VIII/3969; SC 6/Hen. VIII/3986; Pantin, 'Medieval Inns', 169–73; J. Fowler, Mediaeval Sherborne (Dorchester: Longmans, 1951), 266–7.47 TNA E 179/239/193/7; W.H. Godfrey, 'St Mary's and Priory Cottage, Bramber', Sussex Archaeological Collections 86 (1947): 103–12.48 M.J. Becker, Rochester Bridge 1387–1856. A History of its Early Years (London: Constable and Co. Ltd., 1930), 46–7, 89–92.49 Carr, ed., General Entry Book, 56; WSRO B23/144/5; Fowler, Medieval Sherborne, 268; R.H. Britnell, 'Rochester Bridge', in Traffic and Politics: the Construction and Management of Rochester Bridge, AD 43–1993, eds. N. Yates and J.M. Gibson (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1994), 79.50 J. Hare, 'Winchester College and the Angel Inn, Andover: a Fifteenth-Century Landlord and its Investments', PHFC 60 (2005): 190; J.M.W. Bean, 'Landlords', in The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 3, 1348–1500, ed. E. Miller (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 527; Hare, Prospering Society, 200; Becker, Rochester Bridge, 46.51 TNA SC 6/Hen. VIII/3986 (Amesbury); WCM 16574–9; TNA SC 6/Hen VIII/3341 (Hyde).52 Dyer, Everyday Life, 298.53 TNA SC 6/Hen. VIII/3969, 3986.54 Pantin, 'Medieval Inns', 169, 175, 181; J. Hutchins, The History and Antiquities of the County of Dorset, eds. W. Shipp and J.W. Hodson. 3rd edn. 4 vols. (Westminster: J.B. Nichols, 1861–74), 4: 282; Fowler, Medieval Sherborne, 266–7; Dymond, 'Old Inns and Taverns of Exeter', 407; A.J. Scrase, Wells, the Anatomy of a Medieval and Early Modern Property Market (Bristol: University of the West of England, 1993), 51.55 Public Record Office, List of the Lands of Dissolved Religious Houses, vol. 3. List and Index Society, Supplementary Series 3 (New York: Kraus Reprint Corporation, 1964), 198.56 W. Harwood, 'The Pattern of Consumption of Winchester College, 1390–1560' (Ph.D. diss., University of Southampton, 2003), 47–8; R. Warmington, 'The Rebuilding of "La Belle" Inn, Andover 1534', Post-Medieval Archaeology 19 (1976): 131–41; Godfrey, 'Bramber', 103–8; Pantin, 'Medieval Inns', 173–4.57 L.F. Salzman, Building in England Down to 1540 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952), 516–17; BL, Egerton Roll 2101.58 Le Fayre built a major new inn, the George in 1417: Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester, 482.59 Now lost, but illustrated in Roberts, Hampshire Houses, 89.60 Hare, 'Bishop's Waltham Palace, Hampshire', 230; idem, 'Winchester College and the Angel Inn', 189.61 Warmington, 'Rebuilding of the "La Belle" Inn, Andover', 139; Magdalen College, Oxford, Muniments, Index for Estate Lease Book 1, f. 78v, and Estate Lease Book 3, p. 160.62 Hare, 'Winchester College and the Angel Inn', 190.63 Haskins, Ancient Trade Guilds and Companies of Salisbury, 291–3; Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester, 482.64 WCM 1853–6.65 Hare, 'Winchester College and Angel Inn', 187.66 Hare, 'Regional Prosperity in Fifteenth-Century England', 105–26; Roberts, Hampshire Houses; T.B. James and E. Roberts, 'Winchester and Later Medieval Development: From Palace to Pentice', Medieval Archaeology 44 (2000): 195–9; Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester, 482.67 RCHM, City of Salisbury, 1: lxi–lxii.68 Everitt, 'English Urban Inn', 91–137.69 A. Dyer, 'Ranking Lists of English Medieval Towns', in Cambridge Urban History of Britain, vol. 1, ed. Palliser, 762, 766.70 Hare, 'Church-Building and Urban Prosperity', 185–91.71 Providing a bailiff of the town, Baigent and Millard, Basingstoke, 434.72 HRO 148M71/2/7/7.73 HRO 148M71/3/4/1; Baigent and Millard, Basingstoke, 380–1, 615–16.74 Baigent and Millard, Basingstoke, 298, 381, 395, 435–6; Hare, 'Winchester College and the Angel Inn', 192; J.C. Wedgwood, History of Parliament: Biographies of Members of the Commons House 1439–1509 (London: H.M.S.O., 1936), 516–17; R.H. Fritze, 'Kingsmill Family (per. c.1480–1698)', in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, eds. H.C.G. Matthew and B. Harrison, at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/71875?docPos=2 (Accessed January 2007); TNA E 101/344/17, m. 18; Corpus Christi College, Oxford, muniments C 6 cap. 13 (1), 2 (I am grateful to Dr Jean Morrin for this reference).75 HRO M61/HMC/202.76 Hare, 'Church-Building and Urban Prosperity', 190; Fritze, 'Kingsmill Family'.77 HRO 148/31/12: the 1523 subsidy returns, rather than the 1524–5 returns used in Table 5.78 In 1478, he was a brewer and possibly a mercer, he paid in the subsidy of 1481, was bailiff in 1485, a tenant in the 1480s, and his will was made in 1513: HRO Wills and Inventories 1513 B/7.79 He was assessed at the high figure of £2 5s. in 1523, and left £20 to his son: HRO Wills and Inventories 1536 B/13.80 HRO Wills and Inventories 1532 B/9. I am grateful to Dr Karen Parker for her transcript of this document.81 Hare, 'Winchester College and Angel Inn', 186–90.82 WCM 2680–2763.83 Warmington, 'Rebuilding of "La Belle" Inn', 133.84 TNA PROB 11/10/212.85 HRO 37M85 3/GI/18–21; 37M85 2/HC/16; Magdalen College, Oxford, Estate Lease Book 2, p. 1 (index).86 HRO 37M85 3GI/21; Magdalen College, Oxford, Estate Lease Book 1, f. 78v (index); TNA E 179/173/182.87 J.N. Hare, 'Salisbury: the Economy of a Fifteenth-Century Provincial Capital', Southern History 31 (2009): 1–26.88 W.H.B. Bird, ed., The Black Book of Winchester (Winchester: Warren and Son, 1925), 157. On similar restrictions at Ipswich, see Davis, Medieval Market Morality, 168; P.A. Fox, 'Striving to Succeed in Late Medieval Canterbury: the Life of Thomas Fokys, Publican, Mayor and Alderman 1460–1535', Archaeologia Cantiana 129 (2009): 213–14.89 W.A. Harwood, ed., Southampton Brokage Book 1447–8 (Winchester: Wessex Historical Databases, 2006); Lewis, ed., Southampton Port and Brokage Books 1448–9; Carr, ed., General Entry Book.90 Carr, ed., General Entry Book, 146, 149; Harwood, ed., Southampton Brokage Book 1447–48; Lewis, ed., Southampton Port and Brokage Books 1448–49.91 Carr, ed., General Entry Book, 185; O. Coleman, ed., The Brokage Book of Southampton, 1443–1444. Southampton Records Series 4 and 6. 2 vols. (Southampton: University of Southampton, 1960–1), 1: 100; WSRO 1446/66 catalogue.92 Haskins, Ancient Trade Guilds and Companies of Salisbury, 307; WSRO G23/1/44/4.93 TNA E 179/194/42a; J.S. Roskell, L. Clarke and C. Rawcliffe, eds., The History of Parliament: the House of Commons, 1386–1421 (Stroud: Alan Sutton, 1992), 4: 775–6; Conyers, ed., Wiltshire Extents for Debts, 36. Another inn-keeping MP was Henry Bailly, Chaucer's Host: M. Bowden, A Commentary on the General Prologue to the Canterbury Tales. 2nd edn. (New York: Macmillan, 1967), 295–6.94 Based on the database of the Overland Trade Project, at the University of Winchester, produced by Dr Winifred Harwood from the brokage books of Southampton (www.overlandtrade.org).95 Overland Trade Project database.96 At Rye, John Sutton was the son of a fishmonger and mayor and was himself a Member of Parliament and keeper of Rye, while Thomas Oxenbridge came from a gentry family, owned an inn and several butchers shops, and engaged in international trade: Mate, Trade and Economic Developments, 104–5. On Exeter, see Kowaleski, Local Markets, 143–7, although as at Salisbury they were not among the richest. Here their wider role is reflected in the debt cases where 7% involved those running inns (or 14% if we include those who had innkeeping as a secondary occupation). On Ipswich, see Davis, Medieval Market Morality, 401–2.97 M.K. McIntosh, Working Women in English Society 1300–1620 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 202–9. See also Davis, Medieval Market Morality, 398–400.98 As also at Exeter, where many widows were involved, Kowaleski, Local Markets, 144.99 Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester, 276; M.E. Mate, Women in Medieval English Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 45.100 Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester, 277.101 'By the late Middle Ages, a dense network of inns and taverns had come into existence which continued to operate under parameters not fundamentally altered until the revolutions of the late eighteenth century': B. Kumin and B.A. Tlusty, 'Introduction', in The World of the Tavern, eds. Kumin and Tlusty, 7.102 Carlin, Medieval Southwark, 192.103 Barron, London, 59; Carlin, Medieval Southwark, 193.104 Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester, 167–8, 274.105 Munby, 'Zacharias's', 303.106 Pegolotti, 'The Practice of Commerce', in Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World: Illustrative Documents, eds. and trans. R.S. Lopez and I.W. Raymond (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 253–4.107 H. Heiss, 'The Pre-Modern Hospitality Trade in the Central Alpine Region: the Example of Tyrol', in The World of the Tavern, eds. Kumin and Tlusty, 162.108 Spufford, Power and Profit, 206.109 Spufford, Power and Profit, 207.110 Spufford, Power and Profit, 206.Additional informationJohn Hare has written extensively on aspects of medieval economic, social and architectural history, including a recent book on later medieval Wiltshire and a study of the rebuilding of Winchester cathedral nave. He spent a career teaching history at a major sixth-form college and is a research fellow at the University of Winchester.

We prove that if the smallest modulus of a covering system with distinct moduli is $5$, then the largest modulus is at least 108. We also prove that if the smallest modulus of a covering system with distinct moduli is $5$, then the least common multiple of the moduli is at least 1440. Finally, we prove that if the smallest modulus of a covering system with distinct moduli is 6, then the least common multiple of the moduli is at least $5040$. The constants $108$, $1440$ and $5040$ are best possible. This resolves a conjecture of Krukenberg, a problem of Dalton and Trifonov, and a generalization thereof.

Cross-chain bridges are essential decentralized applications (DApps) to facilitate interoperability between different blockchain networks. Unlike regular DApps, the functionality of cross-chain bridges relies on the collaboration of information both on and off the chain, which exposes them to a wider risk of attacks. According to our statistics, attacks on cross-chain bridges have resulted in losses of nearly 4.3 billion dollars since 2021. Therefore, it is particularly necessary to understand and detect attacks on cross-chain bridges. In this paper, we collect the largest number of cross-chain bridge attack incidents to date, including 49 attacks that occurred between June 2021 and September 2024. Our analysis reveal that attacks against cross-chain business logic cause significantly more damage than those that do not. These cross-chain attacks exhibit different patterns compared to normal transactions in terms of call structure, which effectively indicates potential attack behaviors. Given the significant losses in these cases and the scarcity of related research, this paper aims to detect attacks against cross-chain business logic, and propose the BridgeGuard tool. Specifically,

Debugging transactions and understanding their execution are of immense importance for developing OLAP applications, to trace causes of errors in production systems, and to audit the operations of a database. However, debugging transactions is hard for several reasons: 1) after the execution of a transaction, its input is no longer available for debugging, 2) internal states of a transaction are typically not accessible, and 3) the execution of a transaction may be affected by concurrently running transactions. We present a debugger for transactions that enables non-invasive, post-mortem debugging of transactions with provenance tracking and supports what-if scenarios (changes to transaction code or data). Using reenactment, a declarative replay technique we have developed, a transaction is replayed over the state of the DB seen by its original execution including all its interactions with concurrently executed transactions from the history. Importantly, our approach uses the temporal database and audit logging capabilities available in many DBMS and does not require any modifications to the underlying database system nor transactional workload.

In addition to the regular Schwabe cycles of approximately 11 y, "prolonged solar activity minima" have been identified through the direct observation of sunspots and aurorae, as well as proxy data of cosmogenic isotopes. Some of these minima have been regarded as grand solar minima, which are arguably associated with the special state of the solar dynamo and have attracted significant scientific interest. In this paper, we review how these prolonged solar activity minima have been identified. In particular, we focus on the Dalton Minimum, which is named after John Dalton. We review Dalton's scientific achievements, particularly in geophysics. Special emphasis is placed on his lifelong observations of auroral displays over approximately five decades in Great Britain. Dalton's observations for the auroral frequency allowed him to notice the scarcity of auroral displays in the early 19th century. We analyze temporal variations in the annual frequency of such displays from a modern perspective. The contemporary geomagnetic positions of Dalton's observational site make his dataset extremely valuable because his site is located in the sub-auroral zone and is relatively sensitive to mino

In addition to regular Schwabe cycles (~ 11 years), solar activity also shows longer periods of enhanced or reduced activity. Of these, reconstructions of the Dalton Minimum provide controversial sunspot group numbers and limited sunspot positions, partially due to limited source record accessibility. We analysed Stephan Prantner's sunspot observations from 1804--1844, the values of which had only been known through estimates despite their notable chronological coverage during the Dalton Minimum. We identified his original manuscript in Stiftsarchiv Wilten, near Innsbruck, Austria. We reviewed his biography (1782--1873) and located his observational sites at Wilten and Waidring, which housed the principal telescopes for his early and late observations: a 3.5-inch astronomical telescope and a Reichenbach 4-feet achromatic erecting telescope, respectively. We identified 215 days of datable sunspot observations, which are twice as much data as his estimated data in the existing database (= 115 days). Prantner counted up to 7--9 sunspot groups per day and measured sunspot positions, which show their distributions in both solar hemispheres. These results strikingly emphasise the differe

As we are heading towards the next solar cycle, presumably with a relatively small amplitude, it is of significant interest to reconstruct and describe the past grand minima on the basis of actual observations of the time. The Dalton Minimum is often considered one of the grand minima captured in the coverage of telescopic observations. Nevertheless, the reconstructions of the sunspot group number vary significantly, and the existing butterfly diagrams have a large data gap during the period. This is partially because most long-term observations have remained unexplored in historical archives. Therefore, to improve our understanding on the Dalton Minimum, we have located two series of Thaddäus Derfflinger's observational records (a summary manuscript and logbooks) as well as his Brander's 5.5-feet azimuthal-quadrant preserved in the Kremsmünster Observatory. We have revised the existing Derfflinger's sunspot group number with Waldmeier classification and eliminated all the existing 'spotless days' to remove contaminations from solar meridian observations. We have reconstructed the butterfly diagram on the basis of his observations and illustrated sunspot distributions in both solar

We present and analyse the sunspot observations performed by Franz I. C. Hallaschka in 1814 and 1816. These solar observations were carried out during the so-called Dalton minimum, around the maximum phase of the Solar Cycle 6. These records are very valuable because they allow us to complete observational gaps in the collection of sunspot group numbers, improving its coverage for this epoch. We have analysed and compared the observations made by Hallaschka with the records made by other contemporary observers. Unfortunately, the analysis of the sunspot areas and positions showed that they are too inaccurate for scientific use. But, we conclude that sunspot counts made by Hallaschka are similar to those made by other astronomers of that time. The observations by Hallaschka confirm a low level of the solar activity during the Dalton minimum.

Ethereum is a permissionless blockchain ecosystem that supports execution of smart contracts, the key enablers of decentralized finance (DeFi) and non-fungible tokens (NFT). However, the expressiveness of Ethereum smart contracts is a double-edged sword: while it enables blockchain programmability, it also introduces security vulnerabilities, i.e., the exploitable discrepancies between expected and actual behaviors of the contract code. To address these discrepancies and increase the vulnerability coverage, we propose a new smart contract security testing approach called transaction encapsulation. The core idea lies in the local execution of transactions on a fully-synchronized yet isolated Ethereum node, which creates a preview of outcomes of transaction sequences on the current state of blockchain. This approach poses a critical technical challenge -- the well-known time-of-check/time-of-use (TOCTOU) problem, i.e., the assurance that the final transactions will exhibit the same execution paths as the encapsulated test transactions. In this work, we determine the exact conditions for guaranteed execution path replicability of the tested transactions, and implement a transaction te

Read-only caches are widely used in cloud infrastructures to reduce access latency and load on backend databases. Operators view coherent caches as impractical at genuinely large scale and many client-facing caches are updated in an asynchronous manner with best-effort pipelines. Existing solutions that support cache consistency are inapplicable to this scenario since they require a round trip to the database on every cache transaction. Existing incoherent cache technologies are oblivious to transactional data access, even if the backend database supports transactions. We propose T-Cache, a novel caching policy for read-only transactions in which inconsistency is tolerable (won't cause safety violations) but undesirable (has a cost). T-Cache improves cache consistency despite asynchronous and unreliable communication between the cache and the database. We define cache-serializability, a variant of serializability that is suitable for incoherent caches, and prove that with unbounded resources T-Cache implements this new specification. With limited resources, T-Cache allows the system manager to choose a trade-off between performance and consistency. Our evaluation shows that T-Cache

The database of Prof. Rogers (1887), which includes wheat prices in England in the Middle Ages, was used to search for a possible influence of solar activity on the wheat market. We present a conceptual model of possible modes for sensitivity of wheat prices to weather conditions, caused by solar cycle variations, and compare expected price fluctuations with price variations recorded in medieval England. We compared statistical properties of the intervals between wheat price bursts during years 1249-1703 with statistical properties of the intervals between minimums of solar cycles during years 1700-2000. We show that statistical properties of these two samples are similar, both for characteristics of the distributions and for histograms of the distributions. We analyze a direct link between wheat prices and solar activity in the 17th Century, for which wheat prices and solar activity data (derived from 10Be isotope) are available. We show that for all 10 time moments of the solar activity minimums the observed prices were higher than prices for the correspondent time moments of maximal solar activity (100% sign correlation, on a significance level < 0.2%). We consider these resu

To minimize network latency and remain online during server failures and network partitions, many modern distributed data storage systems eschew transactional functionality, which provides strong semantic guarantees for groups of multiple operations over multiple data items. In this work, we consider the problem of providing Highly Available Transactions (HATs): transactional guarantees that do not suffer unavailability during system partitions or incur high network latency. We introduce a taxonomy of highly available systems and analyze existing ACID isolation and distributed data consistency guarantees to identify which can and cannot be achieved in HAT systems. This unifies the literature on weak transactional isolation, replica consistency, and highly available systems. We analytically and experimentally quantify the availability and performance benefits of HATs--often two to three orders of magnitude over wide-area networks--and discuss their necessary semantic compromises.

Over the past decades automated debugging has seen major achievements. However, as debugging is by necessity attached to particular programming paradigms, the results are scattered. To alleviate this problem, the Automated and Algorithmic Debugging workshop (AADEBUG for short) was organised in 1993 in Link"oping (Sweden). As this workshop proved to be successful, subsequent workshops have been organised in 1995 (Saint-Malo, France), 1997 (again in Link"oping, Sweden) and 2000 (Munich, Germany). In 2003, the workshop is organised in Ghent, Belgium, the proceedings of which you are reading right now.

This paper builds and extends on the authors' previous work related to the algorithmic tool, Cylindrical Algebraic Decomposition (CAD), and one of its core applications, Real Quantifier Elimination (QE). These topics are at the heart of symbolic computation and were first implemented in computer algebra systems decades ago, but have recently received renewed interest as part of the ongoing development of SMT solvers for non-linear real arithmetic. First, we consider the use of iterated univariate resultants in traditional CAD, and how this leads to inefficiencies, especially in the case of an input with multiple equational constraints. We reproduce the workshop paper [Davenport and England, 2023], adding important clarifications to our suggestions first made there to make use of multivariate resultants in the projection phase of CAD. We then consider an alternative approach to this problem first documented in [McCallum and Brown, 2009] which redefines the actual object under construction, albeit only in the case of two equational constraints. We correct an unhelpful typo and provide a proof missing from that paper. We finish by revising the topic of how to deal with SMT or Real QE

Ethereum is one of the most popular platforms for the development of blockchain-powered applications. These applications are known as Dapps. When engineering Dapps, developers need to translate requests captured in the front-end of their application into one or more smart contract transactions. Developers need to pay for these transactions and, the more they pay (i.e., the higher the gas price), the faster the transaction is likely to be processed. Therefore developers need to optimize the balance between cost (transaction fees) and user experience (transaction processing times). Online services have been developed to provide transaction issuers (e.g., Dapp developers) with an estimate of how long transactions will take to be processed given a certain gas price. These estimation services are crucial in the Ethereum domain and several popular wallets such as Metamask rely on them. However, their accuracy has not been empirically investigated so far. In this paper, we quantify the transaction processing times in Ethereum, investigate the relationship between processing times and gas prices, and determine the accuracy of state-of-the-practice estimation services. We find that transact

Cosmology's standard model posits an infinite flat universe forever expanding under the pressure of dark energy. First-year data from the Wilkinson Microwave Anisotropy Probe (WMAP) confirm this model to spectacular precision on all but the largest scales (Bennett {\it et al.}, 2003 ; Spergel {\it et al.}, 2003). Temperature correlations across the microwave sky match expectations on scales narrower than $60^{\circ}$, yet vanish on scales wider than $60^{\circ}$. Researchers are now seeking an explanation of the missing wide-angle correlations (Contaldi {\it et al.}, 2003 ; Cline {\it et al.}, 2003). One natural approach questions the underlying geometry of space, namely its curvature (Efstathiou, 2003) and its topology (Tegmark {\it et al.}, 2003). In an infinite flat space, waves from the big bang would fill the universe on all length scales. The observed lack of temperature correlations on scales beyond $60^{\circ}$ means the broadest waves are missing, perhaps because space itself is not big enough to support them. Here we present a simple geometrical model of a finite, positively curved space -- the Poincaré dodecahedral space -- which accounts for WMAP's observations with no

I review the current status of combing weak gravitational lensing with depth information from redshifts as a direct probe of dark matter and dark energy in the Universe. In particular I highlight: (1) The first maximum likelihood measurement of the cosmic shear power spectrum, with the COMBO17 dataset (Brown et al 2003); (2) A new method for mapping the 3-D dark matter distribution from weak shear, and its first application to the COMBO17 dataset (Taylor et al 2003); (3) A new method for measuring the Dark Energy of the Universe using purely the geometry of gravitational lensing, based on cross-correlation tomography (Jain & Taylor 2003). I show that this method can constrain the equation of state of the universe and its evolution to a few percent accuracy.