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Supermarkets are traditionally viewed by development economists, policymakers, and practitioners as the rich world's place to shop. The three regions discussed here have a great majority of the poor on the planet. But supermarkets are no longer just niche players for rich consumers in the capital cities of the countries in these regions. The rapid rise of supermarkets in these regions in the past five to ten years has transformed agrifood markets at different rates and depths across regions and countries. Many of those transformations present great challenges—even exclusion—for small farms, and small processing and distribution firms, but also potentially great opportunities. Development models, policies, and programs need to adapt to this radical change. This paper describes the transformation of agrifood systems in Africa, Asia (excluding Japan), and Latin America. First, we describe the traditional retail and wholesale system in the midst of which emerged modern food retailing and its procurement system. Second, we discuss the determinants of and patterns in the diffusion of supermarkets in the three regions. Third, we discuss the evolution of procurement systems of those supermarkets, and consequences for agrifood systems. At the end, we hint at emerging implications for farms and firms in the region. As development proceeded in the currently developed world, and is proceeding in the three developing regions under study here, markets shift from fragmented, local markets (such as village markets with wholesale and retail functions) to larger, centralized wholesale markets. This “de-fragmentation” tends to occur first in dry goods such as grains and later in “fresh products”—fruits and vegetables, meat, fish, eggs, and milk. There is progressive fresh-food market integration through the rise of medium/long distance trade and the establishment of specialized production areas, as one would expect from the theory of specialization and comparative advantage. This integration is accelerated by urbanization and improvements in roads, and thus takes place at different rates over regions, countries, and zones. Governments have also intervened to spur growth in the fresh foods and grains wholesale sector, such as in Brazil in the 1970s/1980s and in China now. Governments have also intervened directly in grain wholesale and even retail marketing, such as the Fair-Price Shops in India and the (now defunct and eclipsed) Foodstuff Stores in China. Governments seldom, however, intervened in the fresh food retail sector that continued, until the recent rise of supermarkets, to be dominated by mom and pop stores, street fairs, and central markets. That is, traditionally, a major change occurred in the wholesale sector with only gradual effects on the food retail sector. In the latter stages of these changes in wholesale markets in Europe and the United States were concomitant changes in the retail sector, with the advent of self-service stores and then consolidation of the retail sector via the rise of supermarket chains in the past fifty to eighty years. A reversal of the traditional causal direction then occurred: retail transformation deeply changed the wholesale sector and thus the conditions faced by farmers. Below we show that a similar retail transformation has already made great headway in most countries of the three developing regions in only one decade. The determinants of the diffusion of supermarkets in developing regions can be conceptualized as a system of demand by consumers for supermarket services, and supply of supermarket services—hence investments by supermarket entrepreneurs. Both functions have as arguments incentives and capacity variables. On the demand side, several forces drive the observed increase in demand for supermarket services (and are similar to those observed in Europe and the United States in the twentieth century). Demand-side incentives were as follows. First, urbanization, with the consequent entry of women into the workforce outside the home, increased the opportunity cost of women's time and their incentive to seek shopping convenience and processed foods to save cooking time. Second, supermarkets and large-scale food manufacturers spurred the secular reduction in processed food prices. Demand-side capacity variables were as follows. First, real mean per capita income growth in many countries of the regions during the 1990s, along with the rapid rise of the middle class, increased demand for processed foods (the entry point for supermarkets as they could offer greater variety and lower cost of these products than traditional retailers due to economies of scale in procurement). Second, rapid growth in the 1990s in ownership of refrigerators meant ability to shift from daily shopping in traditional retail shops to weekly or monthly shopping. Growing access to cars and public transport reinforced this trend. The supply of supermarket services was driven by several forces, only a subset of which overlap with the drivers of initial supermarket diffusion in Europe and the United States. The supply-side drivers were three. First, foreign direct investment (FDI) was a crucial factor. The development of supermarkets was very slow before (roughly) 1990, as only domestic/local capital was involved. In the 1990s and after, FDI was crucial to the take-off of supermarkets. The incentive to undertake FDI by European, U.S., and Japanese chains, and chains in richer countries in the regions under study (such as chains in Hong Kong, South Africa, and Costa Rica) was due to saturation and intense competition in home markets and much higher margins to be made by investing in developing markets. For example, Carrefour earned three times higher margins on average in its Argentine compared to its French operations in the 1990s. Moreover, initial competition in the receiving regions was weak, generally with little fight put up by traditional retailers and domestic-capital supermarkets, and there are distinct advantages to early entry, hence occupation of key retail locations. Attracting FDI were policies of full or partial liberalization of retail sector FDI undertaken in many countries in the three regions in the 1990s and after (e.g., China in 1992, Brazil, Mexico, Argentina in 1994, various African countries via South African investment after apartheid ended in the mid 1990s, Indonesia in 1998, India in 2000). Overall FDI grew five to ten fold over the 1990s in these regions (UNCTAD); growth of FDI in food retailing mirrored that overall growth. A second crucial supply-side factor was the revolution the past decade in retail procurement logistics technology and inventory management. New practices included efficient consumer response, ECR, an inventory management practice that minimizes inventorieson-hand, and use of internet and computers for inventory control and supplier-retailer coordination. These appeared first in developed countries and then in the late 1990s and early 2000s swept developing countries among leading chains, through home-office guidance for local branches of global chains, and knowledge transfer and imitation and innovation by domestic supermarket chains. These changes were in turn key to centralizing procurement and consolidating distribution in order to “drive costs out of the system,” a phrase used widely in the retail industry. Substantial savings were thus possible through efficiency gains, economies of scale, and coordination cost reductions. China Resources Enterprise, for example, notes that it is saving 40% in distribution costs by combining modern logistics with centralized distribution in its two large new distribution centers in southern China. These efficiency gains fuel profits for investment in new stores, and, through intense competition, reduce prices to consumers of essential food products. The incentive and capacity determinants of demand for and supply of supermarket services vary markedly over the three regions, within individual countries, and within zones and between rural and urban areas at the country level. Several broad patterns are observed. First, from the earliest to the latest adopter of supermarkets, the regions range from Latin America to Asia to Africa, roughly reflecting the ordering of income, urbanization, and infrastructure and policies that favor supermarket growth. The overall image is of waves of diffusion rolling along. The first wave hit major cities in the larger or richer countries of Latin America. The second wave hit in East/Southeast Asia; the third in small or poorer countries of Latin America and Asia including, for example, Central America and Southern then Eastern Africa. By this time, secondary cities and towns in the areas of the “first wave” were being hit. The fourth wave, just starting now, is hitting South Asia. Latin America has led the way among developing regions in the growth of the supermarket sector. While a small number of supermarkets existed in most countries during and before the 1980s, they were primarily financed by domestic capital and tended to exist in major cities and wealthier neighborhoods. That is, they were essentially a niche retail market serving at most 10–20% of the national food retail sales. However, by 2000, supermarkets had risen to occupy 50–60% of national food retail among the Latin American countries, almost approaching the 70–80% share of the United States and France. In a single decade Latin America had the same development of supermarkets that the United States experienced in five decades. The supermarket share of food retail sales for the leading six Latin American countries averages 45–75%: Brazil has the highest share, followed by Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Mexico, and Colombia. Those six countries account for 85% of the income and 75% of the population in Latin America. Supermarket sectors of other countries in the region have also grown rapidly, but these started later and from a lower base. For example, supermarkets accounted for 15% of national food retail in Guatemala in 1994 and today account for 35% (Reardon and Berdegué). The development of the supermarket sector in East/Southeast Asia is generally similar to that of Latin America. The “take-off” stage of supermarkets in East/Southeast Asia started, on average, some five to seven years behind that of Latin America, but is registering even faster growth. The average processed/packaged food retail share over several Southeast Asian countries—Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand—is 33%, but is 63% for East Asian countries—Republic of Korea, Taiwan, and Philippines—(ACNielsen). A rough rule of thumb, applicable from Latin America, is that the share of supermarkets in fresh foods is roughly one-half of the share in packaged foods, hence roughly 15–20% in Southeast Asia and 30% in East Asia outside China (and Japan). The 2001 supermarket share of Chinese urban food markets was 48%, up from 30% in 1999. Assuming the urban share of the total Chinese population to be approximately one-third, the total national packaged/processed food retail share of supermarkets is around 20%, similar to the share for supermarkets in overall food retail for Brazil or Argentina in the early 1990s. However, the rate of store growth is three times faster in China in 2003 than it was in Brazil and Argentina in the 1990s. The most recent venue for supermarket take-off is in Africa, especially in Eastern and Southern Africa. South Africa is the front-runner, with roughly a 55% share of supermarkets in overall food retail and 1,700 supermarkets for 35 million persons. The great majority of that spectacular rise has come since the end of Apartheid in 1994. To put these figures in perspective, note that 1,700 supermarkets is roughly equivalent to 350,000 mom and pop stores or “spazas” in sales. Moreover, South African chains have recently invested in thirteen other African countries as well as in India, Australia, and the Philippines. Kenya is the other front-runner, with 300 supermarkets. Zimbabwe and Zambia have fifty to hundred supermarkets each (Weatherspoon and Reardon). Second, within each of the three very broad regions there are large differences over subregions and countries. Usually, these can be supermarket-growth-ranked according to the variables in the supply and demand model presented above. In Latin America, for example, Brazil with a 75% share of supermarkets in food retail store sales can be contrasted with Bolivia with at the most 10%; in developing Asia, Korea with 60% can be contrasted with India with 5%; and in Africa, South Africa with 55% can be contrasted with Nigeria with 5%. Third, the take-over of food retailing in these regions has occurred much more rapidly in processed, dry, and packaged foods such as noodles, milk products, and grains, for which supermarkets have an advantage over mom and pop stores due to economies of scale. The supermarkets' progress in gaining control of fresh food markets has been slower, and there is greater variation across countries because of local habits and responses by wetmarkets and local shops. Usually the first fresh food categories for the supermarkets to gain a majority share include “commodities” such as potatoes, and sectors experiencing consolidation in first-stage processing and production: often chicken, beef and pork, and fish. In Brazil, where the overall food retail share of supermarkets is 75%, the share in Sao Paulo of fresh fruits and vegetables is only 25%. This kind of rough “three to one” ratio is typical in the regions. This difference is also not uncommon in developed countries: in France, supermarkets have 70% of overall food retail, but only 50% of fresh fruits and vegetables. The convenience and low prices of small shops and fairs, with fresh and varied produce for daily shopping, continues to be a competitive challenge to the supermarket sector, with usually steady but much slower progress for supermarkets requiring investments in procurement efficiency. Despite the slower growth in supermarkets' share of domestic produce, it is staggering to calculate the absolute market that supermarkets now represent, even in produce, and thus how much more in other products where supermarkets have penetrated faster and deeper. For example, Reardon and Berdegué calculate that supermarkets in Latin America buy 2.5 times more fruits and vegetables from local producers than all the exports of produce from Latin America to the rest of the world! This should be contrasted with the nearly exclusive focus on produce exports in government and donor programs to spur growth in agricultural diversification and to help producers gain access to dynamic markets. Fourth, the supermarket sector in these regions is increasingly and overwhelmingly multinationalized (foreign-owned) and consolidated. The multinationalization of the sector is illustrated in Latin America where global multinationals constitute roughly 70–80% of the top five chains in most countries. That supermarket sector growth is substantially driven by FDI from outside these regions differentiates supermarket diffusion in these regions from that in the United States and Europe. The tidal wave of retail FDI was mainly due to the global retail multinationals, Ahold, Carrefour, and Wal-Mart, smaller global chains such as Casino, Metro, Makro, and multinationals such as and In some larger countries, domestic chains, in with global multinationals, have the For example, the top in Brazil is with Casino, of France, since and the top in China is the national with some stores, in and in 2003 as a of and two The rapid consolidation of the sector in those regions is in the United States and Europe. For example, in Latin America the top five chains per country have of the supermarket sector 40% in the United States and in The are for example, of each on food by are now in The consolidation takes place mainly via foreign of local chains (and by larger domestic chains smaller chains and These multinationalization and consolidation the supply of supermarket diffusion and retail multinationals have access to investment from and to that is much than is the by their domestic The multinationals also have access to practices in retail and logistics some of which they developed as domestic firms have they have had to similar these firms had to with global multinationals or had to from their (e.g., the national or national as from the diffusion model the and patterns of diffusion have over large and small cities and and over and poor consumer In there has been a from supermarkets' only a small niche in capital cities serving only the rich and middle well the middle in order to deeply into the food markets of the have also from cities to and in some countries, already to small towns in rural 40% of smaller towns now have supermarkets, as many towns even in countries supermarkets are now rapidly the top cities of China in the and are to smaller cities and to the poorer and more and and The to products for retail rest with the procurement in supermarket chains. in the United Chile, or they are under several from supermarket under intense competition and are between the traditional retailers fresh local products on one side, and efficient global on the other The procurement to this by and costs and the varied demand of procurement seek to and products with and of supermarkets usually that they have to procurement systems to and outside of the traditional wholesale systems because the latter their because they to out the cost by the with the American or the produce in the study regions is by poor and public infrastructure such as chains, and among and is usually and in and in to The be due to market such as and market Several broad patterns of changes are observed in the procurement that First, there is a of procurement As the number of stores in a supermarket there is a to shift from a procurement to a distribution serving several stores in a or a region several This is by procurement and increased use of centralized increased of also occur in the procurement and in the produce distribution efficiency of procurement by coordination and other it increase transport costs by of the products. Usually retailers have a or where they from to centralized procurement as economies of scale and and on the and of the For example, we observed a small in an in China that invested recently in a distribution for processed/packaged foods but continues to buy fresh foods from the market By a national invested in a large for packaged/processed foods and has recently a large for fresh foods as produce has a and these products have a in profits and The top three global retailers have made or are more centralized procurement system in all the regions in which they a centralized procurement system in most of its centralized its procurement in France, Carrefour has been to its procurement system in other countries. For example, in 2001 Carrefour a distribution in Paulo to three million with fifty to in the Southeast centralized its procurement systems in chains, such as China Resources of Hong stores in southern are also centralizing their procurement systems. is in retail in China and has large stores in the of and In of growth its million investment in China over the five a shift from procurement to a centralized system of procurement each is large distribution centers were in The distribution in is and be to stores and Second, there is a logistics improvements to procurement To some of the transport costs that with supermarket chains have (and that This that supermarket practices and which almost with the The of by supermarket chains and in Argentina the use of logistics by retail are in Asia. For example, a supply for in and production practices to supply and the efficiency of their chains in the three regions increasingly to a in the same as the supermarket logistics and wholesale distribution with other is the Carrefour distribution in Brazil, which is the of a of Carrefour with major and global of China in that it would a large distribution to be with and global distribution for fruits and vegetables in is in with of the Third, there is use of specialized The changes in logistics have supermarket chains new or the traditional wholesale system. The supermarkets are increasingly with specialized to and of their These specialized and and and on of the supermarkets. The and of the specialized has in of players and between the and the domestic food markets. Moreover, there is emerging that supermarket chains produce they to mainly via specialized For example, functions as the of most stores of the supermarket in Central America, as for in Africa. Fourth, the rise of and is new in one of the most markets in the food sector, the produce sector. as incentives to the to with the and over time investments in (such as and to the the products. The retailers are of and the of products with of processed and and and products under with the supermarkets. Supermarket chains have with processing firms, in turn with processed fruits and vegetables are under the for the supermarket in Costa Rica, and various firms produce under the products for the As retail sales of products to such are to increase in Latin America and Asia. food retailing in these regions in the with little use of and the emerging a rapid rise in the of in the supermarket sector (and other modern food sectors such as scale food and food The rise of for and of food products, and the of the of public is a crucial of the of in the procurement systems. In these as of coordination of supply chains by over many regions or countries. and the and efficiency and of a also be to a that the public are in all the markets in which the retail be as for or public (Reardon and In this can as competitive the sector (and other by The evolution of in the supermarket sector in these regions is also driven by between the by the in developed countries and in developing countries. many small and are it to the of supermarkets, and are being from their procurement The procurement practices of supermarkets and large are the of the for and first-stage To to advantage of and and and a of development for the small and sector. Development that mean programs and in be three or chains can up to 50% or more of the supermarket sector in development programs and policies to with just a of This is an and an and of and

CONTEXT: With increasing globalization and East-West exchanges, the increasing epidemic of type 2 diabetes in Asia has far-reaching public health and socioeconomic implications. OBJECTIVE: To review recent data in epidemiologic trends, risk factors, and complications of type 2 diabetes in Asia. EVIDENCE ACQUISITION: Search of MEDLINE using the term diabetes and other relevant keywords to identify meta-analyses, systematic reviews, large surveys, and cohort studies. Separate searches were performed for specific Asian countries. The review was limited to English-language articles published between January 1980 and March 2009; publications on type 1 diabetes were excluded. EVIDENCE SYNTHESIS: The prevalence of diabetes in Asian populations has increased rapidly in recent decades. In 2007, more than 110 million individuals in Asia were living with diabetes, with a disproportionate burden among the young and middle aged. Similarly, rates of overweight and obesity are increasing sharply, driven by economic development, nutrition transition, and increasingly sedentary lifestyles. The "metabolically obese" phenotype (ie, normal body weight with increased abdominal adiposity) is common in Asian populations. The increased risk of gestational diabetes, combined with exposure to poor nutrition in utero and overnutrition in later life in some populations, may contribute to the increasing diabetes epidemic through "diabetes begetting diabetes" in Asia. While young age of onset and long disease duration place Asian patients with diabetes at high risk for cardiorenal complications, cancer is emerging as an important cause of morbidity and mortality. CONCLUSIONS: Type 2 diabetes is an increasing epidemic in Asia, characterized by rapid rates of increase over short periods and onset at a relatively young age and low body mass index. Prevention and control of diabetes should be a top public health priority in Asian populations.

Abstract. We developed a new emission inventory for Asia (Regional Emission inventory in ASia (REAS) Version 1.1) for the period 1980–2020. REAS is the first inventory to integrate historical, present, and future emissions in Asia on the basis of a consistent methodology. We present here emissions in 2000, historical emissions for 1980–2003, and projected emissions for 2010 and 2020 of SO2, NOx, CO, NMVOC, black carbon (BC), and organic carbon (OC) from fuel combustion and industrial sources. Total energy consumption in Asia more than doubled between 1980 and 2003, causing a rapid growth in Asian emissions, by 28% for BC, 30% for OC, 64% for CO, 108% for NMVOC, 119% for SO2, and 176% for NOx. In particular, Chinese NOx emissions showed a marked increase of 280% over 1980 levels, and growth in emissions since 2000 has been extremely high. These increases in China were mainly caused by increases in coal combustion in the power plants and industrial sectors. NMVOC emissions also rapidly increased because of growth in the use of automobiles, solvents, and paints. By contrast, BC, OC, and CO emissions in China showed decreasing trends from 1996 to 2000 because of a reduction in the use of biofuels and coal in the domestic and industry sectors. However, since 2000, Chinese emissions of these species have begun to increase. Thus, the emissions of air pollutants in Asian countries (especially China) showed large temporal variations from 1980–2003. Future emissions in 2010 and 2020 in Asian countries were projected by emission scenarios and from emissions in 2000. For China, we developed three emission scenarios: PSC (policy success case), REF (reference case), and PFC (policy failure case). In the 2020 REF scenario, Asian total emissions of SO2, NOx, and NMVOC were projected to increase substantially by 22%, 44%, and 99%, respectively, over 2000 levels. The 2020 REF scenario showed a modest increase in CO (12%), a lesser increase in BC (1%), and a slight decrease in OC (−5%) compared with 2000 levels. However, it should be noted that Asian total emissions are strongly influenced by the emission scenarios for China.

Abstract. The MIX inventory is developed for the years 2008 and 2010 to support the Model Inter-Comparison Study for Asia (MICS-Asia) and the Task Force on Hemispheric Transport of Air Pollution (TF HTAP) by a mosaic of up-to-date regional emission inventories. Emissions are estimated for all major anthropogenic sources in 29 countries and regions in Asia. We conducted detailed comparisons of different regional emission inventories and incorporated the best available ones for each region into the mosaic inventory at a uniform spatial and temporal resolution. Emissions are aggregated to five anthropogenic sectors: power, industry, residential, transportation, and agriculture. We estimate the total Asian emissions of 10 species in 2010 as follows: 51.3 Tg SO2, 52.1 Tg NOx, 336.6 Tg CO, 67.0 Tg NMVOC (non-methane volatile organic compounds), 28.8 Tg NH3, 31.7 Tg PM10, 22.7 Tg PM2.5, 3.5 Tg BC, 8.3 Tg OC, and 17.3 Pg CO2. Emissions from China and India dominate the emissions of Asia for most of the species. We also estimated Asian emissions in 2006 using the same methodology of MIX. The relative change rates of Asian emissions for the period of 2006–2010 are estimated as follows: −8.1 % for SO2, +19.2 % for NOx, +3.9 % for CO, +15.5 % for NMVOC, +1.7 % for NH3, −3.4 % for PM10, −1.6 % for PM2.5, +5.5 % for BC, +1.8 % for OC, and +19.9 % for CO2. Model-ready speciated NMVOC emissions for SAPRC-99 and CB05 mechanisms were developed following a profile-assignment approach. Monthly gridded emissions at a spatial resolution of 0.25° × 0.25° are developed and can be accessed from http://www.meicmodel.org/dataset-mix.

An inventory of air pollutant emissions in Asia in the year 2000 is developed to support atmospheric modeling and analysis of observations taken during the TRACE‐P experiment funded by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) and the ACE‐Asia experiment funded by the National Science Foundation (NSF) and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). Emissions are estimated for all major anthropogenic sources, including biomass burning, in 64 regions of Asia. We estimate total Asian emissions as follows: 34.3 Tg SO 2 , 26.8 Tg NO x , 9870 Tg CO 2 , 279 Tg CO, 107 Tg CH 4 , 52.2 Tg NMVOC, 2.54 Tg black carbon (BC), 10.4 Tg organic carbon (OC), and 27.5 Tg NH 3 . In addition, NMVOC are speciated into 19 subcategories according to functional groups and reactivity. Thus we are able to identify the major source regions and types for many of the significant gaseous and particle emissions that influence pollutant concentrations in the vicinity of the TRACE‐P and ACE‐Asia field measurements. Emissions in China dominate the signature of pollutant concentrations in this region, so special emphasis has been placed on the development of emission estimates for China. China's emissions are determined to be as follows: 20.4 Tg SO 2 , 11.4 Tg NO x , 3820 Tg CO 2 , 116 Tg CO, 38.4 Tg CH 4 , 17.4 Tg NMVOC, 1.05 Tg BC, 3.4 Tg OC, and 13.6 Tg NH 3 . Emissions are gridded at a variety of spatial resolutions from 1° × 1° to 30 s × 30 s, using the exact locations of large point sources and surrogate GIS distributions of urban and rural population, road networks, landcover, ship lanes, etc. The gridded emission estimates have been used as inputs to atmospheric simulation models and have proven to be generally robust in comparison with field observations, though there is reason to think that emissions of CO and possibly BC may be underestimated. Monthly emission estimates for China are developed for each species to aid TRACE‐P and ACE‐Asia data interpretation. During the observation period of March/April, emissions are roughly at their average values (one twelfth of annual). Uncertainties in the emission estimates, measured as 95% confidence intervals, range from a low of ±16% for SO 2 to a high of ±450% for OC.

Questions about norm diffusion in world politics are not simply about whether and how ideas matter, but also which and whose ideas matter. Constructivist scholarship on norms tends to focus on “hard” cases of moral transformation in which “good” global norms prevail over the “bad” local beliefs and practices. But many local beliefs are themselves part of a legitimate normative order, which conditions the acceptance of foreign norms. Going beyond an existential notion of congruence, this article proposes a dynamic explanation of norm diffusion that describes how local agents reconstruct foreign norms to ensure the norms fit with the agents' cognitive priors and identities. Congruence building thus becomes key to acceptance. Localization, not wholesale acceptance or rejection, settles most cases of normative contestation. Comparing the impact of two transnational norms on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), this article shows that the variation in the norms' acceptance, indicated by the changes they produced in the goals and institutional apparatuses of the regional group, could be explained by the differential ability of local agents to reconstruct the norms to ensure a better fit with prior local norms, and the potential of the localized norm to enhance the appeal of some of their prior beliefs and institutions.I thank Peter Katzenstein, Jack Snyder, Chris Reus-Smit, Brian Job, Paul Evans, Iain Johnston, David Capie, Helen Nesadurai, Jeffrey Checkel, Kwa Chong Guan, Khong Yuen Foong, Anthony Milner, John Hobson, Etel Solingen, Michael Barnett, Richard Price, Martha Finnemore, and Frank Schimmelfennig for their comments on various earlier drafts of the article. This article is a revised version of a draft prepared for the American Political Science Association annual convention, San Francisco, 29 August–2 September 2001. Seminars on the article were offered at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University, in April 2001; the Modern Asia Seminar Series at Harvard University's Asia Center, in May 2001; the Department of International Relations, Australian National University, in September 2001; and the Institute of International Relations, University of British Columbia, in April 2002. I thank these institutions for their lively seminars offering invaluable feedback. I gratefully acknowledge valuable research assistance provided by Tan Ban Seng, Deborah Lee, and Karyn Wang at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies. I am also grateful to Harvard University Asia Centre and the Kennedy School's Asia Pacific Policy Program for fellowships to facilitate my research during 2000–2001.

Every once in a long while the flood of new publications will wash a book onto the market that manages a particularly astute grasp of our present situation with a combination of originality and sharp analytical under standing. We may then be provided with an entirely new basis for the discussion of some of our traditional problems. Such is the case with Gunnar Myrdal's new epic An Asian Drama: An Inquiry into the Poverty of Nations. Myrdal's inquiry into the economic problems of the countries of South Asia lasted nearly ten years. The result is a three-volume study of monu mental proportions covering 2,284 pages. Prologue and introduction alone run to 70 pages and are, strictly speaking, already a small, self-contained book on problems of applied methodology. A search for a handy con cluding chapter turns out to be in vain. A course in speed-reading, then, appears to be a prerequisite. This book has been received in the West with decided discomfort, not to say horror, while in the underdeveloped countries of Asia it has caused consternation and pain: horror in the West for fear that Myrdal is saying the billions spent on development aid over the last 20 years have been wasted; pain in Asia for fear that he is saying the whole economic and social mess is really the fault of the Asians themselves. v Myrdal is saying both. Indeed, his analysis bears some superficial re semblance to the rhetoric that comes out of Peking, Algiers and Havana. But he has scrupulously avoided the doctrinaire muddle that has paralyzed development in China, Algeria and Cuba. Instead he opts for a new pragmatism that is neither pure capitalism nor pure Marxism but incor porates elements of both. His emphasis is on clarity of expression and thought, his search for true scientific freedom from bias and prejudice. This was no easy task. The difficulties started with the available statis tics that have been quoted in professional journals and elsewhere for a long time and with surprising confidence. Myrdal found, however, that in 118

Research Article| December 01, 1982 Propagating extrusion tectonics in Asia: New insights from simple experiments with plasticine P. Tapponnier; P. Tapponnier 1Laboratoire de Physique et Mécanique des Matériax Terrestres, Institut de Physique du Globe, Université P. et M. Curie, 4 Place Jussieu, 75230 Paris, France Search for other works by this author on: GSW Google Scholar G. Peltzer; G. Peltzer 1Laboratoire de Physique et Mécanique des Matériax Terrestres, Institut de Physique du Globe, Université P. et M. Curie, 4 Place Jussieu, 75230 Paris, France Search for other works by this author on: GSW Google Scholar A. Y. Le Dain; A. Y. Le Dain 1Laboratoire de Physique et Mécanique des Matériax Terrestres, Institut de Physique du Globe, Université P. et M. Curie, 4 Place Jussieu, 75230 Paris, France Search for other works by this author on: GSW Google Scholar R. Armijo; R. Armijo 1Laboratoire de Physique et Mécanique des Matériax Terrestres, Institut de Physique du Globe, Université P. et M. Curie, 4 Place Jussieu, 75230 Paris, France Search for other works by this author on: GSW Google Scholar P. Cobbold P. Cobbold 2Centre Armoricain d'Etude Structurale des Socles, Université de Rennes, 35042 Rennes, France Search for other works by this author on: GSW Google Scholar Author and Article Information P. Tapponnier 1Laboratoire de Physique et Mécanique des Matériax Terrestres, Institut de Physique du Globe, Université P. et M. Curie, 4 Place Jussieu, 75230 Paris, France G. Peltzer 1Laboratoire de Physique et Mécanique des Matériax Terrestres, Institut de Physique du Globe, Université P. et M. Curie, 4 Place Jussieu, 75230 Paris, France A. Y. Le Dain 1Laboratoire de Physique et Mécanique des Matériax Terrestres, Institut de Physique du Globe, Université P. et M. Curie, 4 Place Jussieu, 75230 Paris, France R. Armijo 1Laboratoire de Physique et Mécanique des Matériax Terrestres, Institut de Physique du Globe, Université P. et M. Curie, 4 Place Jussieu, 75230 Paris, France P. Cobbold 2Centre Armoricain d'Etude Structurale des Socles, Université de Rennes, 35042 Rennes, France Publisher: Geological Society of America First Online: 01 Jun 2017 Online ISSN: 1943-2682 Print ISSN: 0091-7613 Geological Society of America Geology (1982) 10 (12): 611–616. https://doi.org/10.1130/0091-7613(1982)10<611:PETIAN>2.0.CO;2 Article history First Online: 01 Jun 2017 Cite View This Citation Add to Citation Manager Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Permissions Search Site Citation P. Tapponnier, G. Peltzer, A. Y. Le Dain, R. Armijo, P. Cobbold; Propagating extrusion tectonics in Asia: New insights from simple experiments with plasticine. Geology 1982;; 10 (12): 611–616. doi: https://doi.org/10.1130/0091-7613(1982)10<611:PETIAN>2.0.CO;2 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Refmanager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentBy SocietyGeology Search Advanced Search Abstract Plane indentation experiments on unilaterally confined blocks of plasticine help us to understand finite intracontinental deformation and the evolution of strike-slip faulting in eastern Asia. Several large left-lateral strike-slip faults may have been activated successively, essentially one at a time. The experiments suggest that the penetration of India into Asia has rotated (≈25°) and extruded (≈800 km) Indochina to the southeast along the then left-lateral Red River fault in the first 20 to 30 m.y. of the collision. This process can account for the opening of the South China Sea before late Miocene time. Extrusion tectonics then migrated north, activating the Altyn Tagh fault as a second major left-lateral fault and moving southern China hundreds of kilometres to the east. As this occurred, Indochina kept rotating clockwise (as much as 40°), but the sense of motion reversed on the Red River and other strike-slip faults in the south. Opening of the Mergui basin and Andaman Sea (up to the present) also appears to be a simple kinematic consequence of the extrusion. Recent rifts in northeastern China and Yunnan may be considered incipient analogs of the South China and Andaman Seas. Other Tertiary tectonic features such as the sedimentary basins of the Gulf of Thailand may be explained as collisional effects, if one uses our experiments as a guide. The experiments also suggest that a major left-lateral strike-slip fault and rift system will propagate across the Tien Shan, Mongolia, and Baikal to the Sea of Okhotsk. This content is PDF only. Please click on the PDF icon to access. First Page Preview Close Modal You do not have access to this content, please speak to your institutional administrator if you feel you should have access.

Summary Field studies of active faulting in S Tibet indicate that Quaternary extension has been taking place at a rate of ≃1 cm yr −1 in a direction of ≃ 100°. This implies that underthrusting in the Himalayas now absorbs less than half of the total convergence between rigid India and Asia, the rest being taken up primarily by strike-slip faulting N of the collision belt. En échelon right-lateral, strike-slip faults in S Tibet now allow this corresponding eastward displacement of the plateau with respect to India. The reproducible pattern of faulting obtained from plane-strain indentation experiments on unilaterally confined blocks of plasticine suggests that this extrusion process has occurred during most of the collision history. The Tertiary geological record in SE Asia corroborates a polyphase extrusion model, with displacements in excess of 1000–1500 km, in which India has successively pushed Sundaland, then Tibet and S China towards the ESE. Most of the Middle Tertiary movements may have occurred along the then left-lateral Red River-Ailao Shan Fault Zone, together with the opening of most of the eastern S China Sea. Regional geology, stratigraphy and deformation observed in Yunnan are consistent with this inference, as well as the timing, geometry and rates of sea-floor spreading in the S China Sea. Fast spreading (5 cm yr −1 ) in that sea implies that the Tibetan highlands formed mostly after 17 Ma BP. Sideways movements can also account for the existence of large, conjugate but asymmetric, Tertiary strike-slip faults within Sundaland and the formation of Middle Tertiary pull-apart and rift basins on the Sunda Shelf. Changing directions of opening are predicted in the Mergui and Andaman Basins and the lowlands of Burma, as well as large right-lateral displacements along the Shan Scarp. Most of Sundaland probably lay initially in a frontal position with respect to impinging India and the Shan Plateau may have been a Middle Tertiary analogue of the present Tibetan Plateau. In contrast with dominant overthrusting in the Himalayas, Tertiary strike-slip faulting, with more subordinate folding and thrusting, appears to have been important along and N of the Zangbo Suture. This difference must be accounted for in all models of formation of the Tibet Plateau. The surface of the indentation mark, left by the impaction of India onto the presumably simpler Early Tertiary margin of Asia (&gt; 6 million km 2 ), implies that mountain building and strike-slip faulting have absorbed, perhaps alternately, roughly equal amounts of collisional shortening. Since analogous interplays of extrusion and thickening probably govern the evolution of most collision zones, the Tertiary tectonics of Asia may be the best guide to unravel the interactions between Palaeozoic and Precambrian plates, for which sea-floor spreading constraints are unattainable.

This article addresses four hypotheses: (a) that corporate social responsibility (CSR) in Asia is not homogeneous but varies among countries, (b) that the variation is explained by stages of development, (c) that globalization enhances the adoption of CSR in Asia, and (d) that national business systems structure the profile of multinational corporations’ CSR. These hypotheses are investigated through analysis of Web site reporting of 50 companies in seven Asian countries: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, South Korea, Singapore, and Thailand. The article concludes that CSR does vary considerably among Asian countries but that this variation is not explained by development but by factors in the respective national business systems. It also concludes that multinational companies are more likely to adopt CSR than those operating solely in their home country but that the profile of their CSR tends to reflect the profile of the country of operation rather than the country of origin.

Andre Gunder Frank asks us to re-orient our views away from Eurocentrism - to see the rise of the West as a mere blip in what was, and is again becoming, an Asia-centered world. In a bold challenge to received historiography and social theory he turns on its head the world according to Marx, Weber, and other theorists, including Polanyi, Rostow, Braudel, and Wallerstein. Frank explains the Rise of the West in world economic and demographic terms that relate it in a single historical sweep to the decline of the East around 1800. European states, he says, used the silver extracted from the American colonies to buy entry into an expanding Asian market that already flourished in the global economy. Resorting to import substitution and export promotion in the world market, they became Newly Industrializing Economies and tipped the global economic balance to the West. That is precisely what East Asia is doing today, Frank points out, to recover its traditional dominance. As a result, the 'center' of the world economy is once again moving to the 'Middle Kingdom' of China. Anyone interested in Asia, in world systems and world economic and social history, in international relations, and in comparative area studies, will have to take into account Frank's exciting reassessment of our global economic past and future.

The Central Asian Orogenic Belt ( c . 1000–250 Ma) formed by accretion of island arcs, ophiolites, oceanic islands, seamounts, accretionary wedges, oceanic plateaux and microcontinents in a manner comparable with that of circum-Pacific Mesozoic–Cenozoic accretionary orogens. Palaeomagnetic and palaeofloral data indicate that early accretion (Vendian–Ordovician) took place when Baltica and Siberia were separated by a wide ocean. Island arcs and Precambrian microcontinents accreted to the active margins of the two continents or amalgamated in an oceanic setting (as in Kazakhstan) by roll-back and collision, forming a huge accretionary collage. The Palaeo-Asian Ocean closed in the Permian with formation of the Solonker suture. We evaluate contrasting tectonic models for the evolution of the orogenic belt. Current information provides little support for the main tenets of the one- or three-arc Kipchak model; current data suggest that an archipelago-type (Indonesian) model is more viable. Some diagnostic features of ridge–trench interaction are present in the Central Asian orogen (e.g. granites, adakites, boninites, near-trench magmatism, Alaskan-type mafic–ultramafic complexes, high-temperature metamorphic belts that prograde rapidly from low-grade belts, rhyolitic ash-fall tuffs). They offer a promising perspective for future investigations.

There is great geographical variation in the distribution of hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC), with the majority of all cases worldwide found in the Asia-Pacific region, where HCC is one of the leading public health problems. Since the "Toward Revision of the Asian Pacific Association for the Study of the Liver (APASL) HCC Guidelines" meeting held at the 25th annual conference of the APASL in Tokyo, the newest guidelines for the treatment of HCC published by the APASL has been discussed. This latest guidelines recommend evidence-based management of HCC and are considered suitable for universal use in the Asia-Pacific region, which has a diversity of medical environments.

Abstract. A new inventory of air pollutant emissions in Asia in the year 2006 is developed to support the Intercontinental Chemical Transport Experiment-Phase B (INTEX-B) funded by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA). Emissions are estimated for all major anthropogenic sources, excluding biomass burning. We estimate total Asian anthropogenic emissions in the year 2006 as follows: 47.1 Tg SO2, 36.7 Tg NOx, 298.2 Tg CO, 54.6 Tg NMVOC, 29.2 Tg PM10, 22.2 Tg PM2.5, 2.97 Tg BC, and 6.57 Tg OC. We emphasize emissions from China because they dominate the Asia pollutant outflow to the Pacific and the increase of emissions from China since 2000 is of great concern. We have implemented a series of improved methodologies to gain a better understanding of emissions from China, including a detailed technology-based approach, a dynamic methodology representing rapid technology renewal, critical examination of energy statistics, and a new scheme of NMVOC speciation for model-ready emissions. We estimate China's anthropogenic emissions in the year 2006 to be as follows: 31.0 Tg SO2, 20.8 Tg NOx, 166.9 Tg CO, 23.2 Tg NMVOC, 18.2 Tg PM10, 13.3 Tg PM2.5, 1.8 Tg BC, and 3.2 Tg OC. We have also estimated 2001 emissions for China using the same methodology and found that all species show an increasing trend during 2001–2006: 36% increase for SO2, 55% for NOx, 18% for CO, 29% for VOC, 13% for PM10, and 14% for PM2.5, BC, and OC. Emissions are gridded at a resolution of 30 min×30 min and can be accessed at our web site (http://mic.greenresource.cn/intex-b2006).

When Richard Nisbett showed an animated underwater scene to his American students, they zeroed in on a big fish swimming among smaller fish.Japanese subjects, on the other hand, made observations about the background environment...and the different seeings are a clue to profound underlying cognitive differences between Westerners and East Asians. As Professor Nisbett shows in The Geography of Thought people actually think - and even see - the world differently, because of differing ecologies, social structures, philosophies, and educational systems that date back to ancient Greece and China, and that have survived into the modern world. As a result, East Asian thought is holistic - drawn to the perceptual field as a whole, and to relations among objects and events within that field. By comparison to Western modes of reasoning, East Asian thought relies far less on categories, or on formal logic: it is fundamentally dialectic, seeking a middle way between opposing thoughts. By contrast, Westerners focus on salient objects or people, use attributes to assign them to categories, and apply rules of formal logic to understand their behavior.

Abstract Aim Glaciation and deglaciation and the accompanying lowering and rising of sea levels during the late Pleistocene are known to have greatly affected land mass configurations in Southeast Asia. The objective of this report is to provide a series of maps that estimate the areas of exposed land in the Indo‐Australian region during periods of the Pleistocene when sea levels were below present day levels. Location The maps presented here cover tropical Southeast Asia and Austral‐Asia. The east–west coverage extends 8000 km from Australia to Sri Lanka. The north–south coverage extends 5000 km from Taiwan to Australia. Methods Present‐day bathymetric depth contours were used to estimate past shore lines and the locations of the major drowned river systems of the Sunda and Sahul shelves. The timing of sea level changes associated with glaciation over the past 250,000 years was taken from multiple sources that, in some cases, account for tectonic uplift and subsidence during the period in question. Results This report provides a series of maps that estimate the areas of exposed land in the Indo‐Australian region during periods of 17,000, 150,000 and 250,000 years before present. The ancient shorelines are based on present day depth contours of 10, 20, 30, 40, 50, 75, 100 and 120 m. On the maps depicting shorelines at 75, 100 and 120 m below present levels the major Pleistocene river systems of the Sunda and Sahul shelves are depicted. Estimates of the number of major sea level fluctuation events and the duration of time that sea levels were at or below the illustrated level are provided. Main conclusions Previous reconstructions of sea‐level change during the Pleistocene have emphasized the maximum lows. The perspective provided here emphasizes that sea levels were at their maximum lows for relatively short periods of time but were at or below intermediate levels (e.g. at or below 40 m below present‐day levels) for more than half of each of the time periods considered.

The Asian monsoon system affects more than half of humanity worldwide, yet the dynamical processes that govern its complex spatiotemporal variability are not sufficiently understood to model and predict its behavior, due in part to inadequate long-term climate observations. Here we present the Monsoon Asia Drought Atlas (MADA), a seasonally resolved gridded spatial reconstruction of Asian monsoon drought and pluvials over the past millennium, derived from a network of tree-ring chronologies. MADA provides the spatiotemporal details of known historic monsoon failures and reveals the occurrence, severity, and fingerprint of previously unknown monsoon megadroughts and their close linkages to large-scale patterns of tropical Indo-Pacific sea surface temperatures. MADA thus provides a long-term context for recent monsoon variability that is critically needed for climate modeling, prediction, and attribution.

The analysis presented here is an effort to elaborate the patron-client model of association, developed largely by anthropologists, and to demonstrate its applicability to political action in Southeast Asia. Inasmuch as patron-client structures are not unique to Southeast Asia but are much in evidence, particularly in Latin America, in Africa, and in less developed portions of Europe, the analysis may possibly have more general value for understanding politics in preindustrial societies. After defining the nature of patron-client ties and distinguishing them from other social ties, the paper discriminates among patron-client ties to establish the most important dimensions of variation, examines both the survival and transformations in patron-client links in Southeast Asia since colonialism and the impact of major social changes such as the growth of markets, the expanded role of the state, and the creation of local regimes. Finally, the paper shows how patron-client bonds interact with electoral politics to create distributive pressures which, in turn, often lead to inflationary fiscal policies and vulnerability of regimes to losses of revenue.

Asia is the youngest continent on our planet and has been assembled largely over the past 400 m.y. In the past decade, following rapid developments on the economic front and political transformations in Asia, Earth science research has continuously become more important for both natural resources evaluation and hazards reduction. Consequently, more and more attempts have been focused on Asia in order to understand this complex region. The more the geoscience community works in this region, however, the more we realize our insufficient knowledge of the largest continent on Earth. This problem is not only caused by the region's inaccessibility, but also by cultural and political barriers.