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Legitimacy is an overlooked precondition for a tactic's availability within social movement repertoires. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with 37 Movement for Black Lives activists in Minneapolis and St. Paul, Minnesota, this article identifies a three-step process through which activists legitimize riots. First, activists reclassify riots as protest by lumping them with revered tactics, thereby splitting them from criminality. Second, activists engage in moral legitimation: they acknowledge the harm riots can cause to Black communities but frame them as justified counterviolence to state repression. Third, activists use instrumental legitimation. Despite potential reputational risks, they argue that riots impose costs on capitalism, delegitimize the state and lend credibility to subsequent nonviolent protests. By tracing how activists legitimate a controversial movement tactic, this article argues that legitimation work shapes tactical availability. This challenges views of the repertoire of contention as a fixed toolkit from which activists choose tactics they regard as strategically effective or aligned with their collective identities.
Black women have a long history of engaging in activism and community advocacy as both a political imperative and a survival strategy (Hill Collins, 2000; Ransby, 2003). Activism may confer psychological benefits such as increased meaning in life, identity affirmation, and social connection (Hope et al., 2019; Klar and Kasser, 2009); simultaneously, activism can involve sustained stress exposure, burnout, and heightened vulnerability to surveillance and (re)traumatization (Gorski, 2019). Biological indicators offer one avenue for examining how social conditions are embodied particularly when psychosocial experiences involve chronic threat, vigilance, and cumulative stress exposure. Given growing attention to activism as a health-relevant practice, this study is framed though an intersectional and critical medical anthropology lens to explore how activism may relate to both psychosocial and biological stress processes among Black women. Using an embedded mixed-methods pilot design, this study evaluated the feasibility of assessing psychosocial indicators and the Conserved Transcriptional Response to Adversity (CTRA) at baseline (T1) and ~2-month follow-up (T2) during a self-selected intentional activism period among Black women, with baseline semi-structured interviews contextualizing interpretation of T1→T2 patterns. Participants (N = 29; M age = 39.4 years, SD = 11.7; range = 21-63) completed online surveys, a baseline interview, and coached dried blood spot (DBS) collection at T1, then completed follow-up surveys and DBS collection at T2. Analyses followed a three-part workflow: (1) feasibility metrics (enrollment/retention and useable DBS returns), (2) within-person quantitative change (paired-samples t tests for psychosocial measures; mixed-effects linear models of a 53-gene CTRA set), and (3) thematic analysis of baseline interviews with integration via joint display (convergence/complementarity/divergence). Procedures supported remote biobehavioral assessment; useable DBS/CTRA data were available for most participants (T1 n = 28; T2 n = 27). Psychosocial scores decreased from T1 to T2 for psychological distress, activist orientation, and meaning in life (presence and search), with activist identity/commitment also decreasing but not reaching conventional thresholds. At the sample level, mean CTRA showed no net change from T1 to T2; however, within-person increases in activist identity/commitment and increases in search for meaning were associated with more favorable CTRA change. Baseline qualitative themes (Activism's Paradox; Identity Dialectics; Resistance and Restoration; Community-Rooted Well-being) highlighted co-occurring strain, meaning, identity negotiation under misogynoir, and relational coping infrastructure. Findings support feasibility and provide hypothesis-generating evidence that biobehavioral responses may be contingent on identity and meaning processes rather than uniform mean shifts in a heterogeneous activism window.
Underestimating the burden of Chronic respiratory diseases (COPD-Asthma) is a past error that needs to be remedied, and cases with these diseases are to be screened and diagnosed! Current health policies primarily focus on other NCDs like diabetes and cardiovascular diseases, indicating a need for more targeted interventions for CRDs. A thorough literature review was conducted to analyse the evidence for probable solutions to address the CRD's and available models for screening and diagnosis at primary health care. Based on this, an implementation model is proposed- Screening by Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHAs)and diagnosis by Community Health officers (CHOs)of Asthma and COPD at the primary health care System- A Novel Strategy- SHVASAN (local meaning breathing). To assess the feasibility of implementation of a " SHVASAN " model for screening and diagnosis of COPD and Asthma at the primary health care level. Methodology: Mixed methods to assess feasibility, including the Delphi technique. Implementation will begin with the training of ASHAs, CHOs, and equipment will be provided for setting up the screening and diagnosis across one rural PHC in Pune district, India. All 35 villages and ASHAs would be screening the population above 30 years of age. And CHOs across all Health and wellness centres (06 + 02 at PHC and one at RH) will diagnose the CRDs. Feasibility would be assessed after one year of the SHVASAN model implementation. A Delphi study would be conducted to formulate the feasibility dimensions and formulate the feasibility index. Considering feasibility dimensions, qualitative and quantitative data would be collected to assess the feasibility of the model, which includes the population screened by the ASHAs and the number of diagnostic tests conducted at health wellness centers. And focused group discussions, in-depth interviews will be conducted to understand the facilitators and operational challenges of the SHVASAN implementation. SHVASAN builds on the NPCDCS Govt of India guidelines. This is a novel, low-cost adaptation for peripheral workers with limited specialist access.​This research will inform potential feasibility and the development of implementation strategies as public health services prepare for broader rollout in the near future. CTRI/2025/10/095547.
Given concerns about the mental health of young people, there has been a growing body of research aimed at understanding strengths, resilience, and protective factors. The current study utilizes latent profile analysis to examine different combinations of strengths. Group differences on demographics, social determinants of health (SDoH), and mental health indices are examined across the identified latent classes. Project Lift Up is a longitudinal, national study of youth and young adults designed to understand bystander behaviors for self-directed violence. 4,981 adolescents and young adults aged 13-22 years were recruited online between June 13, 2022 - October 30, 2023. Three additional waves of data were collected, approximately 6 months apart: Wave 2 (collected between January 13, 2023 - February 26, 2024); Wave 3 (June 13, 2023 - November 19, 2024); and Wave 4 (December 15, 2023 - May 8, 2025). The qualifying longitudinal cohort, defined as completing baseline and either the 6- or 12-month surveys, was 3,360. A total of 2,049 participants completed all four survey waves and are the analytic sample for the current paper (61% of the qualifying cohort). Latent profile analysis identified seven strength profiles: Despondent (5.5%), Isolated (14.2%), Pessimistic (14.3%), Support-Focused (26.8%), Self-Reliant (8.9%), Multi-faceted Strengths (23.8%), and Resilient Activists (6.3%). Profiles differed in both overall strength levels and configurations across regulatory, interpersonal, meaning making, and environmental domains. Depressive symptoms and self-directed violence were highest in the Despondent and Pessimistic profiles and lowest in the Self-Reliant and Multi-faceted Strengths profiles, with Resilient Activists showing intermediate risk. Despite high strengths, Resilient Activists experienced uniquely elevated SDoH adversity, including discrimination, food insecurity, and structural hardship. In contrast, Self-Reliant and Multi-faceted Strengths profiles showed the lowest SDoH risk across domains. Females, sexual-minority, and gender-minority participants were overrepresented in profiles with poorer mental health and greater adversity and underrepresented in the most robust strength profiles. Practitioners should incorporate assessment of strengths portfolios when working with young people. Programs to prevent mental health problems, including suicide and self-injury, should include specific strengths-based components across the four domains of the Resilience Portfolio Model - regulatory, interpersonal, meaning making and environmental.
This qualitative study examines the work process of feminist activists who provide accompaniment for self-managed abortions in a major urban centre in Brazil, where abortion remains criminalised in most circumstances. Based on in-depth interviews with eight accompaniers, and drawing on Brazilian collective health and feminist ethics of care, it analyses how they integrate technique, ethics, political commitment, and social awareness, thereby transforming accompaniment into a genuine practice of care. Findings show that accompaniment recognises those cared for as subjects with knowledge, desires, and evolving needs, rather than as passive recipients. Care is organised collectively but always tailored and responsive to the needs of each person, in an interactive, critical, and reflexive manner. In doing so, accompaniers combine technical-scientific knowledge with experiential knowledge built through prior care and exchanges within trusted networks. By engaging across all stages of the process, and guided by a project whose ultimate purpose is to make abortion a good experience for those accompanied, accompaniers prevent the fragmentation and alienation of care work. Accompaniment thus emerges as a model of care grounded in radical needs: needs that arise within existing social conditions but cannot be fully satisfied within them. Once recognised and collectively articulated, these needs expose the limits of the existing order and become a source of pressure for social transformation. The high personal cost of this activism, marked by overload, insecurity, and invisibility, challenges its sustainability and expansion. By describing its constitutive elements, this study broadens understanding of abortion accompaniment and underscores the need for public policies that integrate community-based knowledge, values and practices to foster more humanised, justice-oriented models of care. DOI: 10.1080/26410397.2026.2676395. In Brazil, abortion is legally restricted in most cases. Even so, many women end pregnancies on their own. Feminist activists known as accompaniers support them through this process. They share information, listen, and stay present – in person or from a distance – before, during, and after the abortion. This study looks at how these activists work. We interviewed eight accompaniers in a large Brazilian city. We asked about what they do, what they know, and how they feel about the work. We found that accompaniers treat each woman as a person, not as a case to be solved. They organise the work among themselves, but when they put it into practice, they listen carefully to those they accompany, adapt their plans to each situation and to each person's needs, and combine technical knowledge with what they have learned from experience. They stay involved throughout the whole process, not just during the abortion itself. Their care is free of charge and rooted in feminist values of solidarity, autonomy, and justice. This work comes at a high personal cost. Accompaniers face exhaustion, legal risks, and invisibility. These pressures threaten their ability to keep doing the work and to reach more women who need it. Health systems and public policies should learn from accompaniers. Their knowledge and practices can help build abortion care that is more humane, more equal, and more just for everyone. Cette étude qualitative examine le travail de militantes féministes qui accompagnent les avortements autogérés dans un grande agglomération urbaine du Brésil, où l’avortement reste criminalisé dans la plupart des cas. Fondée sur des entretiens approfondis avec huit accompagnatrices et s’inspirant du système brésilien de santé collective et de l’éthique féministe du soin, l’étude analyse comment les accompagnatrices intègrent technique, éthique, engagement politique et conscience sociale, transformant ainsi l’accompagnement en une véritable pratique de soin. Les résultats montrent que l’accompagnement reconnaît les personnes accompagnées comme des sujets dotés de connaissances, de désirs et de besoins évolutifs, et non comme de simples bénéficiaires passifs. Le soin est organisé collectivement, mais toujours adapté et réactif aux besoins de chaque personne, de manière interactive, critique et réflexive. Ce faisant, les accompagnatrices associent les connaissances techniques et scientifiques à l’expérience acquise grâce à des accompagnements antérieurs et aux échanges avec des réseaux de confiance. En s’engageant à toutes les étapes du processus et guidées par un projet dont le but ultime est de faire de l’avortement une expérience positive pour les personnes accompagnées, les accompagnatrices préviennent la fragmentation et l’aliénation du travail de soin. L’accompagnement apparaît donc comme un modèle de soin ancré dans des besoins radicaux: des besoins qui apparaissent au sein des conditions sociales existantes, mais qui ne peuvent y être pleinement satisfaits. Une fois reconnus et exprimés collectivement, ces besoins révèlent les limites de l’ordre établi et deviennent une source de pression en faveur d’une transformation sociale. Le coût personnel élevé de ce militantisme, marqué par la surcharge de travail, l’insécurité et l’invisibilité, compromet sa viabilité et son développement. En décrivant les éléments qui composent l’accompagnement de l’avortement, cette étude permet de mieux le comprendre et souligne la nécessité de politiques publiques qui intègrent les connaissances, les valeurs et les pratiques communautaires afin de promouvoir des modèles de soins plus humains et plus axés sur la justice. Este estudio cualitativo examina el proceso laboral de activistas feministas que ofrecen acompañamiento para la autogestión del aborto en uno de los principales centros urbanos de Brasil, donde el aborto sigue siendo penalizado en la mayoría de las circunstancias. Basado en entrevistas a profundidad con ocho acompañantes, y a raíz de la salud colectiva y la ética feminista de los servicios de salud de Brasil, el estudio analiza cómo ellas integran técnica, ética, compromiso político y conciencia social para transformar el acompañamiento en una práctica genuina de atención a la salud. Los hallazgos muestran que el acompañamiento reconoce a las personas atendidas como sujetos con conocimientos, deseos y necesidades en evolución, y no como destinatarias pasivas. La atención brindada es organizada de manera colectiva, pero se adapta y responde siempre a las necesidades de cada persona, de una manera interactiva, fundamental y reflexiva. De este modo, las acompañantes combinan conocimiento técnico-científico con conocimiento experiencial adquirido mediante oportunidades anteriores de brindar atención y realizar intercambios con redes de confianza. Al participar en todas las etapas del proceso, guiadas por un proyecto cuyo propósito final es lograr que la experiencia de aborto sea una buena experiencia para las personas acompañadas, las acompañantes previenen la fragmentación y alienación de la labor de brindar atención. Por lo tanto, el acompañamiento emerge como un modelo de atención fundamentado en necesidades radicales – que no pueden satisfacerse bajo las condiciones sociales actuales, pero que, una vez reconocidas y expresadas, ejercen presión sobre el orden establecido y revelan su potencial transformador. El alto costo personal de este activismo, marcado por sobrecarga, inseguridad e invisibilidad, supone un reto para su sostenibilidad y ampliación. Al describir sus elementos constitutivos, este estudio mejora la comprensión del acompañamiento durante el aborto y subraya la necesidad de aplicar políticas públicas que integren el conocimiento comunitario, los valores y las prácticas para fomentar modelos de atención más humanizados y orientados a la justicia.
Abortion is a common reproductive healthcare process that is often stigmatised. Research on abortion stigma has grown significantly since the last major review over a decade ago, and there is a pressing need for an updated, comprehensive systematic review. The purpose of this review is to examine the extent and subjective experiences of abortion stigma among those seeking an abortion in high-income countries. We aim to explore the theoretical conceptualisations of abortion stigma in relevant studies. We conducted a mixed-method systematic review following the JBI and PRISMA guidelines. PubMed, CINHAL, PsychINFO, LIVIVO, and the Cochrane Library were searched for peer-reviewed articles. Quantitative studies were summarised narratively. Qualitative studies were synthesised using the JBI meta-aggregative approach. We included 41 qualitative, nine quantitative, and three mixed methods studies. Most studies lacked a substantial theoretical conceptualisation of abortion stigma. Quantitative studies reported prevalence rates of perceived abortion stigma ranging from 37% to 60%, suggesting that stigma remains a common experience among abortion seekers. Findings also indicate associations between abortion stigma and various sociodemographic factors (e.g., religion, race, age), as well as adverse mental health outcomes. In the qualitative studies, people seeking abortion care reported experiencing and anticipating judgment from healthcare professionals, anti-abortion activists, and their close social circle. Their experiences also centered on the internalisation of shame and guilt. Some studies highlighted the mitigating effect of social support. Longitudinal and mixed methods approaches with consistent assessment would be useful to better understand the developmental pathways of abortion stigma. This understanding is necessary to provide individual and structural support for people seeking abortion care. Abortion is a common healthcare procedure, but it often faces stigma. Despite many recent studies on this topic, there hasn't been an updated overview since 2016. We reviewed 53 research articles to understand how and to what extent abortion stigma is experienced in high-income countries. Quantitative studies mainly looked at how common abortion stigma can be and how it relates to mental health and decision-making. Qualitative studies provided a more profound insight. They showed that people seeking abortions often feel judged by healthcare workers, anti-abortion activists, and their friends and family. Qualitative studies underline how people who seek an abortion feel ashamed and guilty. However, having support from loved ones could help lessen these feelings. In conclusion, we found that abortion is a stigmatised process. Future research should explore the support systems available to people seeking abortions. Understanding these supports can help improve structural-level care and ensure better assistance for people navigating abortion access.
Over the past 2 decades, bystander-focused violence prevention programs have proliferated across various sectors, yet bystander programs that are expressly gender-transformative remain understudied, particularly on U.S. college campuses. Casey et al. argue that outreach and recruitment efforts and whether these programs foster identities as social change agents over time are especially understudied components of gender-transformative programs. Based on a non-quasi-experimental, single-group, repeated-measures design without a control group, this pilot study engages these questions by investigating participant characteristics and leadership program outcomes of one gender-transformative bystander program-the Mentors in Violence Prevention (MVP) program-as applied to student leaders in athletics, fraternity and sorority life, and residential life. We found that student leaders came to the training with varying gender ideologies and leadership experience that are important considerations in future outreach and recruitment efforts. The 1-day MVP program also produced significant improvements from pre- to posttest in activist outcomes for women and men and for the three student leadership groups. Yet, on several program outcomes, training effects waned 3 months later, women benefitted more than men, and gender ideology interacted with peer group to shape program gains. The article concludes with reflections on the implications of these findings for gender-transformative work with college peer groups often labeled "at higher risk" for sexual assault; the centrality of gender, gender ideology, and other peer group characteristics to recruitment and outreach efforts; and future research and practical applications for sustaining activist education on college campuses.
The interest in psychedelics for health-related purposes has grown significantly over the past decade. However, there is an insufficient representation of stakeholders (eg, Indigenous groups, activists, policymakers) in discussions about research and regulation. Many psychedelics originate from traditional practices historically developed in low- and middle-income countries, but these regions are seldom represented in stakeholder perspectives research. The present study will examine the barriers, facilitators, and perspectives identified by a wide array of key stakeholders regarding the research and regulation of psychedelics in Brazil. Twenty-six stakeholders, including Indigenous leaders, formal industry actors, clinicians, activists, policymakers, and informal sellers, were interviewed. The data were analyzed using inductive thematic analysis. Code-group co-occurrence indexing was used to capture the relevance of each theme across stakeholder groups. Thematic analysis revealed 4 barriers ("accessibility," "regulation," "limited knowledge," and "risks"), 3 facilitators (1need for innovation," "scientific advancements," and "legal loopholes"), and 4 perspectives ("integration of ancestral knowledge," "idealization, mysticism and scientific rigor," "user autonomy," and "tangible social benefits"). Themes were similarly present among stakeholders' discourse, though with varying frequencies and weights, allowing comparisons of the particular relevance of themes for each group. We detail cultural, political, scientific, and clinical barriers, facilitators, and perspectives for psychedelic research and regulation within a region with a rich history of traditional psychedelic use, and discuss their ethical, regulatory, and clinical implications.
Identitarian progressivism has become the public face of institutional psychological science. Masking the diverse perspectives within our field, these single-minded expressions have two trust-related implications: reinforcing 'ingroup' trust among a progressive activist cohort within our science, while evoking mistrust from an 'outgroup' public that -to an overwhelming extent- does not share their views. Given the predominant role of taxpayers in funding our research, we should be concerned that the voting public may justifiably perceive our science as emphasizing activist visions of what should be over the empirical complexities of what is. Ensuring public trust will depend on re-embracing persuasive intellectual humility and eschewing the identitarian vernacular and deficit model pedagogy that currently characterizes our public-facing messaging.
In the past decade in France, several cases of mistreatment and abuse of Black women within the healthcare system have made headlines, sparking much-needed conversations among activists, and some medical personnel, on medical racism. In this article, I share insights from my work as an anthropologist, health consultant, and feminist activist in France and Mexico. I focus on one aspect of medical racism, the so-called "Mediterranean syndrome," and its impact on the reproductive care (or lack thereof) offered to Black, Arab, and other-than-White women. I also reflect on the trainings I provide to medical personnel on medical racism. These trainings reveal the complexities faced by personnel who seek change, though subject to their own bias and that of their superiors.
While mainstream public health has recognized the prime role of social determinants of health (SDOH) in shaping patterns of health and disease, the field has struggled to find meaningful ways to tackle these fundamental causes of health and health inequities. Though often overlooked within the field of public health, activist campaigns have been a vital force for securing advances in confronting and modifying SDOH, from obtaining wage increases to expanding reproductive health care to securing health care for millions through the expansion of Medicaid. These examples show that social movement activism can encourage public officials to make tackling the SDOH a priority on their policy agendas and contribute to reducing the influence of the special interests who often oppose these changes. To integrate activism with public health practice more consistently, researchers, practitioners, and activists need a robust body of evidence that enables them to leverage activism to address social determinants. This narrative review seeks to explore the role that evaluation can play in strengthening health activism aimed at SDOH and making it a more accepted and familiar component of public health practice. We offer definitions of several key terms, review relevant literature on evaluation of health activism, and propose guiding questions along with real-life examples of corresponding evaluations. We aim to encourage public health practitioners to recognize the role of activism in advancing public health and to find ways to use evaluation to partner with activist campaigns seeking to modify SDOH.
Political ideology has increasingly entered clinical psychology training through the incorporation of decolonial and activist-oriented frameworks. While attention to social inequities is essential to culturally competent care, integrating politicized models into applied clinical training raises concerns about scientific neutrality, professional pluralism, and the emergence of identity-based bias. This article examines how decolonial psychology and related activist frameworks have contributed to the development of antisemitic dynamics within professional clinical psychology training. We argue that these dynamics emerge not only from specific political narratives but from a broader shift toward ideologically driven models of care that prioritize moral frameworks over empirical reasoning. This shift has contributed to fractures within the profession and introduces potential public health risks by influencing clinical judgment, professional relationships, and standards of care. These challenges are described, and a programmatic approach to addressing them is provided.
Femicide is a pervasive and structurally rooted form of violence, yet it remains significantly underexplored using quantitative and computational approaches. Official data are often incomplete, aggregated, or inconsistent, limiting their analytical potential. This article applies an integrated data-driven approach that combines feminist theory, sociological insights, and machine learning techniques. Using microdata collected by the Italian feminist network Non Una di Meno, the study analyzes 434 cases of femicide recorded between 2020 and 2024. Following data cleaning and standardization, hierarchical cluster analysis identified three patterns based on victim-perpetrator relationships, motives, methods of killing, and demographic characteristics. The resulting clusters reveal distinct socio-relational dynamics of femicide. The findings highlight the value of feminist data activism and support greater integration of activist and institutional data to inform evidence-based prevention and policy.
The centenary of Frantz Fanon’s birth in 2025 sparked renewed attention to his work. In recent years, his reception has shifted noticeably: from Fanon as a political activist to Fanon as a psychiatrist. To offer a concise exploration of the historical significance and contemporary relevance of Fanon’s psychiatric writings, and to help make this body of work more accessible to a Dutch-speaking readership. A reflective discussion based on a literature review of both the primary and recent secondary literature, including a recent narrative literature review on Fanon via PubMed. The renewed engagement with Fanon’s psychiatric writing provides a more accurate understanding of his role in the decolonization of psychiatry and sheds light on his radically innovative clinical practice as a psychiatrist. Although formal decolonization largely lies behind us, Fanon remains a vital point of reference for social and transcultural psychiatry. His work continues to issue a postcolonial challenge to the broader psychiatric field: it calls for culturally sensitive care and reminds psychiatry of its societal responsibility to confront institutional racism.
The Hotelling-Downs model considers parties changing policy to maximise their vote-share. Where policy position lies on a left-right axis, it describes a tendency for political parties to move towards centrist platforms. This is in contrast with widely observed political polarisation. We extend the model to two dimensions, with many parties and with single and multiple-peaked voter distribution. We find that a two party system reduces polarisation, even if voters are polarised with a bimodal distribution. By contrast, multiparty systems induce polarisation, even when most voters favour moderate position. We model the effect of turnout and activists as influences on the parties, showing that this results in more polarisation, even in a two-party system. This suggests that polarisation of parties can be driven by abstention, intra-party politics and turnout on the extremes. In the two-party case, the winning party's positions are more moderate than the views of their supporters but better representative of the electorate as a whole. With polarisation, individual voters are better able to find a party which represents their views, but the government (winning part or coalition) is less representative of the population, even when the population has a clear consensus on all issues.
The manosphere, a decentralized network of online communities united by anti-feminist and male supremacist ideologies, has increasingly been recognized as a site of radicalization, violence, and cultural influence. This mixed methods systematic review synthesizes 105 empirical studies on the manosphere (e.g., The Red Pill, incels, Men's Rights Activists, Men Going Their Own Way, Pickup Artists) to examine how sexual violence is mobilized in these communities. Sexual violence mobilization refers not only to abusive incidents, but also broader discourses, attitudes, and practices that work to reproduce gendered power. Using a convergent integrated approach to synthesis and reflexive thematic analysis, we identified that manosphere actors leverage sexually violent acts and rhetoric to consolidate group identity and further their ideological goal of male supremacy, though, paradoxically, they do so under the guise of personal victimhood. Drawing on these findings, we propose a framework for conceptualizing sexual violence mobilization within the manosphere, highlighting how this mobilization is being used as a tool for recruitment, indoctrination, application of core ideologies, and the maintenance of these communities. The scope of this issue requires multi-level interventions, centering liberatory, gender-transformative programming for men.
How individuals negotiate marginalized identities within restrictive sociopolitical environments remains a critical question for understanding the dynamic relationship between culture and the self. This study investigates why and how Chinese professional translators engage with materials related to lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, and other sexual and gender minorities (LGBTQI+) in a sociocultural context where queer identities are frequently marginalized or silenced. Conceptualizing translation as a process of cultural and identity negotiation, the study draws on semi-structured interviews with 23 professional translators who have experience translating queer-related literary, academic, or community materials. Thematic analysis identifies four translator positions that reflect different strategies of engagement with cultural constraints: visibility-seekers, who leverage sociocultural trends for professional or commercial gain; cautious negotiators, who adapt queer content to meet censorship and market norms; insider advocates, queer translators who use their lived experience to affirm cultural identity and empower their community; and allied activists, non-queer translators who engage in ethical solidarity and social justice through translation. These positions reveal how translators mobilize professional resources, personal experience, and ethical commitments while navigating political regulation, cultural stigma, and market expectations. The findings highlight translators as socially situated agents whose practices mediate the circulation of marginalized cultural meanings and demonstrate how identity and cultural expression are co-constructed within structures of ideological constraint.